{"id":53127,"date":"2020-07-06T17:23:12","date_gmt":"2020-07-06T17:23:12","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/virusreports.net\/hong-kong-security-law-redraws-lines-making-some-ideas-dangerous\/"},"modified":"2020-07-06T17:23:12","modified_gmt":"2020-07-06T17:23:12","slug":"hong-kong-security-law-redraws-lines-making-some-ideas-dangerous","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/virusreports.net\/hong-kong-security-law-redraws-lines-making-some-ideas-dangerous\/","title":{"rendered":"Hong Kong Security Law Redraws Lines, Making Some Ideas Dangerous"},"content":{"rendered":"
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In a city where China has made some ideas suddenly dangerous, people are trying to figure out where the boundaries lie, and how their lives have changed.<\/p>\n

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Banners on a barge in Victoria Harbor in Hong Kong on Wednesday welcomed the national security law imposed on the city by the Chinese government.<\/span>Credit…<\/span>Lam Yik Fei for The New York Times<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/header>\n<\/div>\n
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HONG KONG \u2014 A barge draped with enormous red banners celebrating China\u2019s new security law was sailing across Hong Kong\u2019s famed Victoria Harbor only hours after the legislation passed. The police now hoist a purple sign warning protesters that their chants could be criminal<\/a>. Along major roads throughout the city, neon-colored flags hailing a new era of stability and prosperity stand erect as soldiers.<\/p>\n

In recent days, as China took a victory lap over the law it imposed on the city Tuesday, the defiant masses who once filled Hong Kong\u2019s streets in protest have largely gone quiet. Sticky notes that had plastered the walls of pro-democracy businesses vanished, taken down by owners suddenly fearful of the words scribbled on them. Parents whispered about whether to stop their children from singing a popular protest song, while activists devised coded ways to express now-dangerous ideas.<\/p>\n

Seemingly overnight, Hong Kong was visibly and viscerally different, its more than seven million people left to navigate what the law would mean to their lives. The territory\u2019s distinct culture of political activism and free speech, at times brazenly directed at China\u2019s ruling Communist Party, appeared to be in peril.<\/p>\n

For some who had been alarmed by the ferocity of last year\u2019s unrest<\/a>, which at times transformed shopping districts<\/a>, neighborhoods<\/a> and university campuses<\/a> into smoke-filled battlefields<\/a>, the law brought relief and optimism. For others, who had hoped the desperate protest campaign would help secure long-cherished freedoms, it signaled a new era of fear and uncertainty.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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\u201cThis is home,\u201d said Ming Tse, sitting in the cafe he manages, which once loudly supported the protesters. \u201cBut I don\u2019t think this place loves us anymore.\u201d<\/p>\n

For months, Mr. Tse\u2019s love for his home was advertised at his shop in the working-class neighborhood of North Point. The oat milk carton at the cash register sat behind postcards of protest art. A poster condemned the police shootings of two student demonstrators. Even after opponents of the movement threatened to vandalize the shop last fall, the decorations stayed.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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At a restaurant in the Tsim Sha Tsui district on Friday, sticky notes bearing pro-democracy slogans \u2014 now potentially illegal \u2014 had been replaced with blank ones.\u00a0<\/span>Credit…<\/span>Lam Yik Fei for The New York Times<\/span><\/span><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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But on Thursday, Mr. Tse, 34, took everything down. News reports<\/a> said police officers had interrogated owners of restaurants with similar protest paraphernalia. The security law criminalizes \u201csubversion\u201d of the government, a crime that the police say encompasses speech such as political slogans.<\/p>\n

All that remained was a small plastic dinosaur on the counter, wearing a yellow hard hat. That inexpensive yet tough headgear, worn by protesters who fought with the police, had become a symbol of their scrappy fortitude.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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\u201cI don\u2019t know if they are so sensitive,\u201d Mr. Tse said. \u201cIt\u2019s just a helmet on a dinosaur.\u201d<\/p>\n

He paused, then reconsidered: \u201cActually, everything is sensitive.\u201d<\/p>\n

That the lines of criminality had been redrawn<\/a> became clear on Friday, when the authorities charged a 24-year-old man with terrorism and inciting separatism \u2014 the first person to be indicted under the new law. With a \u201cLiberate Hong Kong\u201d flag mounted on the back of his motorcycle, the man careened into a group of police officers on Wednesday, the anniversary of Hong Kong\u2019s return to China from British rule.<\/p>\n

Most years, that holiday draws large pro-democracy rallies. But this time, they were banned. Protests were scattered, and the police swept in and arrested hundreds. Ten people, including a 15-year-old girl, were accused of \u201cinciting subversion,\u201d a vaguely defined crime under the new law; some had merely waved flags, bearing slogans that had never been explicitly outlawed.<\/p>\n

A few dozen relatives and social workers waited on Thursday outside a police station in North Point where more than 100 of those arrested were being held. Such vigils had become a rite for protesters\u2019 loved ones.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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Police officers detaining a protester in the Causeway Bay district on Wednesday. Hundreds were arrested that day, the anniversary of Hong Kong\u2019s return to China from British rule.<\/span>Credit…<\/span>Lam Yik Fei for The New York Times<\/span><\/span><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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But this one felt more perilous, with crimes under the security law punishable by life imprisonment in the most serious cases. A Chinese official said Wednesday that the law was meant to hang over would-be troublemakers like the sword of Damocles.<\/p>\n

The police collected DNA samples and searched the homes of the 10 people arrested on suspicion of inciting subversion \u2014 measures that seemed excessive when applied to people accused only of possessing pamphlets, said Janet Pang, a lawyer who is helping some of them.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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\u201cYou\u2019re supposed to only use power that is necessary, and that\u2019s how the law should be,\u201d she said.<\/p>\n

Shortly after noon on Thursday, a pro-democracy activist, Tam Tak-chi, emerged from the station, where he had spent the night after being detained. Mr. Tam met a young man inside who said he had been arrested after the police found a banner in his bag reading \u201cHong Kong Independence, the Only Way Out.\u201d The man wept on his shoulder, Mr. Tam said.<\/p>\n

The Hong Kong government has insisted that free speech is not under threat. But on Saturday, the city\u2019s public library system said that books by some prominent activists had been removed from circulation while officials reviewed whether they violated the new law.<\/p>\n

The censorship has crept even into private homes.<\/p>\n

In June of last year, Katie Lam took her two young sons to a large rally. Her older son wore a cap that read \u201cHong Konger\u201d and raised a handmade sign saying, \u201cDon\u2019t shoot us.\u201d<\/p>\n

Now Ms. Lam, a data analyst, is anxious about what her sons say at home. One of them is having a birthday party in two weeks, and Ms. Lam wondered if she should hide a print displayed on the piano that reads \u201cLiberate Hong Kong, Revolution of Our Times,\u201d a slogan that the government says could be considered subversive.<\/p>\n

The boys loved singing \u201cGlory to Hong Kong,\u201d the unofficial anthem of the protest movement. She worries that the neighbors will hear it.<\/p>\n

\u201cEven though we all knew it would happen one day,\u201d she said of China\u2019s intervention, \u201cit\u2019s still painful.\u201d<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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Supporters of a detained protester held blank signs outside a courthouse on Friday.<\/span>Credit…<\/span>Lam Yik Fei for The New York Times<\/span><\/span><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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But in some corners of the city, China\u2019s move has been welcome.<\/p>\n

The successive blows of the unrest, followed by the coronavirus pandemic, emptied malls and grounded flights, eviscerating Hong Kong\u2019s economy<\/a>. The security law, however unpopular<\/a>, seemed poised to end the monthslong impasse<\/a> over the protests.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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It was Hong Kong\u2019s prosperity and worldliness that drew Harry He, 33, to the city from mainland China 10 years ago. He earned master\u2019s degrees in finance and engineering and fell in love with his new home: its efficient public transportation, its high food-safety standards. He got married, found work as an insurance agent, bought a home, had a daughter.<\/p>\n

Last year shattered that serenity. Once, while he was eating at a restaurant with friends, masked protesters smashed a nearby sushi restaurant owned by a company seen as pro-Beijing, he said. His mainland clients began avoiding Hong Kong.<\/p>\n

Mr. He said he had supported the protesters at first. But he soon grew convinced that the authorities needed to restore stability, and that the security law would do so.<\/p>\n

\u201cI just don\u2019t want to see violence again,\u201d he said in an interview in his office tower in Tsim Sha Tsui, a luxury shopping district that was battered by street fighting<\/a>. \u201cI just want Hong Kong to be as developed and prosperous as before.\u201d<\/p>\n

Still, even some who embraced stability wondered about its price.<\/p>\n

Just as core to Hong Kong\u2019s identity as its freewheeling capitalism has been its proud, even gleeful, outspokenness. Street booths often lined the city\u2019s busiest shopping districts, blasting dueling political messages. Tiny bookstores crammed into overpriced commercial spaces hawked volumes that were banned in the mainland.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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Demonstrators supporting the security law on Tuesday, hours before it went into effect. Some carried the Chinese flag.<\/span>Credit…<\/span>Lam Yik Fei for The New York Times<\/span><\/span><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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Xu Zhe, a 22-year-old recent college graduate, said the law was needed to address the \u201cterrorism\u201d committed by some protesters. He had been horrified by a clash in November, when some demonstrators poured gasoline on a man who had scolded them, then set him ablaze<\/a>.<\/p>\n

But Mr. Xu also worried that the law could be used to clamp down on dissent, including speech. Mr. Xu, who grew up on the mainland before attending university in Hong Kong, had never had a chance to protest at home. Last year, he attended his first demonstration, a small gathering against violence.<\/p>\n

If Hong Kongers lost the right to protest, he said, \u201cI would feel deeply, deeply regretful.\u201d<\/p>\n

Few people in the city know the price of protest better than Rowena He, a historian at the Chinese University of Hong Kong. For more than two decades, Professor He has studied the 1989 Tiananmen Square crackdown, when Chinese troops gunned down protesters in Beijing.<\/p>\n

Her office is an informal museum of the massacre, with a miniature replica on her bookshelf of the \u201cGoddess of Democracy\u201d statue that the Tiananmen protesters erected shortly before the killings.<\/p>\n

On Wednesday, the day after the security law was enacted, one of Professor He\u2019s students decided to walk around Hong Kong, documenting a city on the cusp of change. He sent her a photo of a row of Chinese flags, flapping in the wind. On a sidewalk railing nearby, a banner supporting a pastor imprisoned on the mainland had been ripped in half.<\/p>\n

\u201cYou are a real historian,\u201d Professor He responded.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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A changed city\u2019s skyline on Friday.<\/span>Credit…<\/span>Lam Yik Fei for The New York Times<\/span><\/span><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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Even as old markers of resistance have come down, subtler ones have surfaced. Some protesters have turned to puns and created new meaning from well-worn phrases, a tactic long adopted by mainland internet users to skirt government censorship.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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On Wednesday, in one of the city\u2019s commercial hubs, someone had spray-painted<\/a> \u201cArise, ye who refuse to be slaves\u201d \u2014 the opening line of China\u2019s national anthem.<\/p>\n

And one shop, in place of protest slogans, hung up<\/a> nearly two dozen posters of propaganda from Mao-era China, including one that proclaimed: \u201cRevolution is not a crime, rebellion is reasonable.\u201d<\/p>\n

Bella Huang contributed research.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/section>\n<\/article>\n

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