Benjamin Archives - Virus Reports

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Among the sales pitches employed by modern American universities, “Hey, Wokey McWokeface” does not seem typical.

But then New St. Andrews College sees itself as atypical and doesn’t intend it as a sales pitch.

“We do want to grow as a school, but I don’t want to be here saying what we think is a ploy or crafted to raise money,” the college’s president, Benjamin Merkle, told The Washington Times. “With schools today, what they all say is they are trying to inculcate the skills and habits of leadership or some similar phrasing. None of that is true.

“None of it is innovative or courageous or bold. It’s all about complete conformity,” said Mr. Merkle, 47, a native Idahoan and Oxford doctorate.

New St. Andrews is no stranger to controversy.

With its bedrock classical and Christian beliefs, the 200-student college that shares Moscow, Idaho, with the state’s flagship university has found itself in the crosshairs of the mayor and the town’s liberal establishment before.

In June, the school posted a video showing the side-by-side doors to men’s and women’s public restrooms near the campus. After the sound of toilets flushing, a man and a woman walked out of their assigned facilities.

“We’re not science majors, but we know science even better than the Supreme Court,” the voiceover declared. “Accepting students who know the difference, in person, this fall.”

Mayor Bill Lambert felt compelled to post social media notices that neither his office nor the city cared much for the “boys will be boys” video, and some residents denounced it as transphobic and “hateful” toward the LGBTQ community.

Mr. Merkle was unswayed by Moscow’s disapproval.

“The conservative world waited way too long to take education seriously,” he said. “I don’t think a lot of them realized that education is the Deep State, that it’s taken control of this country and is steering it in a way that works on emotion, not principle.”

In the past week, three other incidents seem to buttress Mr. Merkle’s contention that higher education is both “the mob and terrified of the mob.”

Penn State’s College of the Liberal Arts deleted a tweet that it intended to be inclusive with the line “Dear conservative students: your viewpoints are important.”

After furious Twitter users attacked the tweet for including conservative students, a school spokesman said the intention had been clouded.

An incoming freshman at Marquette University in Milwaukee was interrogated about her politics by school officials after posting a brief TikTok video in which she expressed support for President Trump but cited no specific policies or positions.

Social media armies mobilized immediately. Some comments offered the woman violence, and petitions were started to cancel or defend her. After initial reports that Marquette may rescind its admission offer, the school confirmed it had not done so but said the student was subjected to questioning about her beliefs.

On July 4, just over a week after Princeton University stripped former President Woodrow Wilson’s name from one of its schools because of his “racist thinking and policies,” at least 400 faculty members signed a letter to the president and deans with a list of demands linked to the explosion of Black Lives Matter protests.

The signatories said Princeton must push its faculty’s composition past its 7% population of people of color, appoint the first person of color to head its Humanities Council, and establish a committee to “oversee the investigation and discipline of racist behaviors, incidents, research, and publication on the part of the faculty.” Punishment would be meted out to perceived offenders.

Those Orwellian developments would never be countenanced at New St. Andrews, said Mr. Merkle, who has been president of the school since 2015.

“What you have is the raw exercise of power,” he said. “I think what we’re seeing is the unmasking of the progressive left, which always preached ‘diversity’ and ‘tolerance’ but which you’re now seeing never really wanted those things. They weaponized tolerance.”

The latest student recruitment video critiques what Mr. Merkle said is the “complicated issue” of separating the idea of Black lives matter from the trademarked Black Lives Matter movement.

Over a montage of pulped Black fetuses from the trial of abortion provider Kermit Gosnell, who was convicted of killing three infants born alive, the video declares that “every single Black life matters, from conception to the grave and beyond to all eternity.”

Black Lives Matter, on the other hand, “is a Marxist front that doesn’t care about Black lives even half as much as an average White, pro-life, flyover, Trump-voting evangelical,” the voiceover declares.

Over photos of Princeton’s Wilson, along with Margaret Sanger and Andrew Carnegie, the video claims they are “white supremacists [who] have been running a vile, genocidal population control campaign in America.”

Again, the college elicited howls from some, cheers from others.

Mr. Merkle’s office fielded countless calls of support and a flood of enrollment applications.

It is difficult to imagine such a recruitment video from most other higher education institutions, even those such as Hillsdale College that accept no federal funds. Mr. Merkle said the administrative apparatus and the regulatory edicts that accompany federal funds clash with New St. Andrews’ principles but also siphon off too much money that should be spent in the classroom.

“I once attended a gathering of university presidents, and one of them told me he ‘felt guilty if he didn’t see a crane on his campus,’” he recalled. “I’m not a jerk at dinner parties, but it does seem to me that the education establishment is political rather than saying what it really thought. You have to own it.”

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is showing no sign of backing off his vow to annex of vast stretches of the West Bank by July 1, despite outcry from international leaders, including Arab powers who say the move will usher in violence and destabilize the Middle East.

While Netanyahu supporters say the annexation will solidify Israel’s sovereignty and harden its security barrier against terrorism and Iranian aggression, critics say it will ruin any chance of lasting Israeli-Palestinian peace and undermine delicate relations Israel has built with Saudi Arabia and other Arab states in recent years.

Jordan, Egypt, the United Arab Emirates and the Saudis have all come out firmly against it, a reality that may explain the Trump administration’s indecision on the issue during recent weeks, despite having appeared to be fully behind it earlier this year.

Palestinian leaders have long hoped the West Bank, which was captured by Israel from Jordan in the 1967 Arab-Israeli war, would form a major part of a future Palestinian state, with east Jerusalem as its capital.

Several European nations are threatening sanctions against Israel if Mr. Netanyahu moves ahead with annexation.

Some analysts say they won’t be surprised if he proceeds, knowing that President Trump will back him, and that the moment for such backing could soon be lost if Mr. Trump does not win re-election later this year.

“Annexation by Israel of the hunks of the West Bank is, unfortunately, the logical next step in a long trajectory of occupation and settlement,” says Joshua Landis, who heads the Center for Middle East Studies at the University of Oklahoma.

“A long line of United States presidents has been out-maneuvered by Israeli prime ministers to bring us to this point,” Mr. Landis told The Washington Times over the weekend, adding that while Palestinians may be wronged, predictions of impending regional doom are overblown.

“I do not believe that annexation will unleash a world of hell across the region. Most Arabs feel hopeless about the Palestinian cause, fearing that it is already lost,” Mr. Landis said. “Israel has become so strong, moved so many of its citizens onto Palestinian land, and the Arabs so weak and divided, that Arabs despair that the annexation can be stopped.”

In order to win re-election back in March, Mr. Netanyahu vowed to right-wing Israeli political blocs that he would go forward with a major annexation by July 1.

His vow came months after the Trump administration had rolled out a new roadmap to Middle East peace that said Washington was preparing to recognize Israeli control over major portions of the West Bank. While the Trump plan suggested Israel would eventually have U.S. backing to absorb Jewish settlements across the West Bank, as well several fertile areas of the Jordan River valley near the border with Jordan, administration officials said the exact territorial contours for annexation were still being analyzed.

As of late last week, the administration was seen to be divided on the matter. A senior White House official said on condition of anonymity Thursday that there was still “no final decision” on the next steps for implementing the administration’s roadmap for Middle East peace.

Arab outrage

Jordan has been particularly critical of the annexation drive. Amman has issued a warning against any Israeli “annexation of Palestinian lands” and called for a return to 1967 borders with a new Palestinian state encompassing the entire West Bank.

There are concerns that Jordan may respond by suspending a $10 billion gas deal that currently lets Israeli natural gas flow into Jordanian power plants for electricity generation. According to Reuters, the deal between Jordan’s state-owned utility and a U.S.-Israeli consortium led by Texas-based Noble Energy has been in place since 2016.

There is also outrage from key Gulf Arabs such as Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates.

The Saudis and Emiratis have been on a gradual path toward diplomatic normalization with Israel in recent years and both have been key to the Trump administration’s wider Israeli-Palestinian peace roadmap that has called for a $50 billion economic program for Palestinians paid for by the wealthy Gulf Arab nations.

If Mr. Netanyahu moves forward with annexations in July, it will “destroy any prospect for peace,” Ahmed Aboul Ghet, who heads the 22-member Arab League, said in remarks last week during a U.N. Security Council video conference.

“The possible move by the Israeli government to annex parts of the occupied Palestinian territory would constitute, if implemented, a serious threat to regional stability,” Mr. Ghet added, according to the publication Asharq Alawsat.

U.N. Secretary General Antonio Guterres offered a similar assessment, asserting that “we are at a watershed moment,” and that “if implemented, annexation would constitute a most serious violation of international law, grievously harm the prospect of a two-state solution and undercut the possibilities of a renewal of [Israeli-Palestinian peace] negotiations.”

“I call on the Israeli government to abandon its annexation plans,” Mr. Guterres said.

United Arab Emirates (UAE) Minister of State Yousef Al-Otaiba went further, penning last week a first-ever op-ed by a top Gulf Arab diplomat for an Israeli newspaper and suggesting that the delicate effort by Israel to achieve normalization with Gulf Arab powers could be in jeopardy.

“Recently, Israeli leaders have promoted excited talk about normalization of relations with the United Arab Emirates and other Arab states,” Mr. Otaiba, who is also the UAE’s ambassador to the United States, wrote in the op-ed published in Hebrew by the Yedioth Ahronoth newspaper.

“But Israeli plans for annexation and talk of normalization are a contradiction,” he wrote.

Israeli sovereignty

Some analysts argue the Gulf Arabs are insincere in their warnings and that the frustration is running high among some in the region against the Palestinian Authority (PA) for its recent refusals to negotiate with Israel or the Trump administration — essentially setting the stage for an aggressive Israeli annexation move.

Jonathan H. Ferziger, a writer and researcher who covered the Middle East for more than 20 years for Bloomberg News and UPI, argues that Mr. Netanyahu has ample evidence to suspect that Israel’s new friends in the Persian Gulf are “bluffing.”

“The UAE, as well as Saudi Arabia and Bahrain, is highly invested in Trump’s ‘Peace to Prosperity’ plan, which the Palestinians summarily rejected,” Mr. Ferziger argued in an article published Friday by Foreign Policy, adding that the empathy such nations once had for PA leader Mahmoud Abbas “is dissipating.”

“Otaiba himself was present at the White House in January when Trump released the [administration’s Middle East peace] proposal, which includes both establishing a demilitarized Palestinian state and allowing Israel’s annexation of the Jordan Valley and other territory where its settlements sit.”

Neoconservative backers of Israel, meanwhile, say annexation will be worth the risks.

The Jewish Institute for National Security of America argued in a statement circulated Friday that “it would serve as a defensive buffer protecting Israel against attacks from the east and allowing it to hold back the region’s growing disorder and especially Iran’s aggression, thereby advancing U.S. national security interests.”

For his part, Mr. Landis told The Times that “even if there is no large outburst of protest or violence in the Arab World due to the announcement of annexation, the injustice and continued occupation that it will inflict on Palestinians will surely take its toll.”

“The region will remain in a state of turmoil and enmity against the Jewish state and America for decades to come as the Arab World watches the drip-drip of ongoing Palestinian ruination,” he said.

Things finally seemed to be settling in Israel after three deadlocked elections in a single year and a corruption scandal, but Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is poised to stir the pot anew by the end of the month by fulfilling a campaign promise to annex a large swath of Jewish settlements in the West Bank that Palestinians and much of the rest of the world say is their land.

Speculation about Mr. Netanyahu’s plans has triggered worldwide debate. In Washington, President Trump’s advisers, including son-in-law Jared Kushner and Ambassador to Israel David M. Friedman, are believed to be divided on the wisdom of an Israeli move now.

Jordan and other Arab nations have warned against the annexation, and Germany’s foreign minister bluntly told Mr. Netanyahu during a visit to Jerusalem that the annexation would violate international law and result in some European sanctions against Israel.

Palestinians, meanwhile, are bristling over the Trump administration’s rollout six months ago of a U.S.-drafted peace plan that would recognize Israeli control over vast but not explicitly specified portions of the West Bank.

Palestinian leaders have said settlement annexation now would be a death blow to any peace process and any further security cooperation with the Netanyahu government.

Israeli settlers, meanwhile, are hammering the prime minister from the right. The say a partial annexation could set preconditions for a Palestinian state on land that Israel does not claim.

With Mr. Netanyahu forced into an awkward power-sharing deal with center-left rival Benny Gantz, the looming July 1 deadline is proving divisive within Israel, analysts said.

“The debate continues in Israel. This is certainly not a done deal. I don’t know what happens next,” said Jonathan Schanzer, a senior vice president at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies in Washington. “Those that have been watching Israel for a long time could probably argue equally effectively for or against this move.

“Israel’s borders have been in many ways unsustainable since its creation in 1948, so a good argument could be made for Israel to do this and finally have some breathing room,” Mr. Schanzer said in an interview this week.

The risks, he said, are that an angry European Union, Israel’s largest trading partner, would turn to sanctions; that Arab nations that had quietly rebuilt ties to Israel would recoil; that Jordan’s large Palestinian community would rebel; and that the Palestinians could launch a third intifada.

But some say Mr. Netanyahu and hard-line allies see a rapidly closing window for pushing ahead with annexation. The Trump administration has been a staunch ally that even relocated the U.S. Embassy to Jerusalem, but Democratic rival and former Vice President Joseph R. Biden made clear as recently as last month his opposition to any unilateral annexation of lands in the West Bank and Jordan Valley.

“Israel needs to stop the threats of annexation and stop settlement activity because it will choke off any hope of peace,” Mr. Biden told American Jewish leaders in a phone call. He vowed to “reverse Trump’s undercutting of peace.”

Gauging the U.S. reaction

Martin Kramer, an American-Israeli scholar at Shalem College in Jerusalem, said the U.S. political situation was a key factor in Mr. Netanyahu’s calculations.

“This move is only even contemplated because the Trump administration might extend its recognition,” Mr. Kramer told The Times. “But Trump’s troubles have raised the risk level. If he loses the White House in five months, Israel may face the humiliation of seeing its only recognition, by its closest ally, effectively rescinded.

“Given the attendant risks, we could see Netanyahu opt for a limited version — ‘annexation lite’ — limited to the Jordan Valley,” Mr. Kramer said. Washington has been wary of an abrupt move in part because a U.S.-Israeli mapping project in the West Bank won’t be completed by the July deadline.

The Times of Israel has reported that Mr. Netanyahu recently told settler leaders in a private meeting that he intends to annex all West Bank settlements on that date, but he acknowledged that annexing other lands allocated to Israel under the Trump peace plan would likely take more time.

Jordan, along with Egypt one of the two Arab states with diplomatic ties to Israel, has been particularly critical of the annexation drive.

The plan gained momentum when the Trump administration released a Middle East peace road map that would recognize Israel’s control over major portions of the West Bank, including areas bordering Jordan.

At the time, Amman issued a warning against any Israeli “annexation of Palestinian lands” and called for a return to 1967 borders that had outlined a Palestinian state encompassing the entire West Bank.

Daoud Kuttab, a Palestinian scholar and journalist, said in an interview that annexation would “expose the Israelis for lacking a serious commitment to the peace process and to international law.”

It would also draw “serious backlash from other nations,” said Mr. Kuttab, who predicted on Twitter that Mr. Netanyahu won’t go through with the July 1 annexation because of the anticipated blowback.

“I think the Jordanians are going to take drastic steps, possibly even suspending the $10 billion gas deal they have with Israel,” said Mr. Kuttab, referring to an agreement that allows Israeli natural gas to flow into Jordan’s power plants for electricity generation.

According to Reuters, the deal between Jordan’s state-owned utility and a U.S.-Israeli consortium led by Texas-based Noble Energy has been in place since 2016. The energy threat may help explain the Trump administration’s unwillingness since January to speak publicly in favor of annexation.

“As for the annexation in the West Bank, the Israelis will ultimately make those decisions,” Secretary of State Mike Pompeo told reporters in April. “That’s an Israeli decision, and we will work closely with them to share with them our views of this in a private setting.”

There is speculation that Mr. Pompeo, during a visit to Israel last month, urged Mr. Netanyahu to proceed cautiously. The secretary of state declined to comment on his talks.

Mr. Pompeo’s discretion apparently reflects division within the administration. Mr. Friedman leads a faction eager to move forward with annexation, while Mr. Kushner is said to be wary of how annexation might damage Israel’s relations with U.S. Arab allies in the region.

Arab protests

The U.S. plan has called for a $50 billion economic program that administration officials hope will tap foreign investment for a Palestinian state from wealthy Gulf Arab nations, including Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. Both governments have strongly denounced the annexation reports.

Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan was told at a gathering of Islamic nation foreign ministers this week that the plan was “a dangerous escalation that threatens the chances of resuming the peace process to achieve security and stability in the region.”

The Organization of Islamic Cooperation said in a joint statement Wednesday that the annexation threat amounts to “an official declaration by Israel of revocation of all its signed agreements” and “a serious escalation of its colonial policies and measures.”

While some in Israel and the U.S. note that past Arab expressions of solidarity with the Palestinian cause have rarely been matched by strong action, others say this time could be different.

“Unilateral annexation by Israel is a highly risky move. There is no international support from it except for the Trump administration,” said Daniel Shapiro, a former U.S. ambassador to Israel and visiting fellow at the Institute for National Security Studies in Tel Aviv.

Mr. Shapiro, who served in the Obama administration, said that “the Democratic Party is united against [annexation]” and that “if Israel actually values a bipartisan consensus … it would never take such a divisive move so close to an American election.”

He said “all of Israel’s security experts oppose it” and “worry about a breakdown of security cooperation with the Palestinian Authority,” which would be “likely to collapse” in a post-annexation environment.

“When that happens, Israel will be drawn back into full control of the entire West Bank, including the nearly 3 million Palestinians who live there,” Mr. Shapiro said. “That is when Israel begins to look like a bi-national state, with nearly equal Jewish and Arab populations.”

He predicted growing international pressure, including from Arab states, to have one state for all people between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea.

“If Israel gives those West Bank Palestinians citizenship and the right to vote, it will lose its Jewish character,” he said. “If it does not give them those rights, it will severely damage its democratic character. And Israel’s Jewish and democratic nature, besides being the core of the Zionist vision, is at the heart of the common values that bind Israel and the United States.”

Mr. Kramer suggested that Mr. Netanyahu may be so intent on seizing the moment that he is not considering the potential implications of annexation.

“Annexation fever recalls nothing so much as its predecessor, Oslo fever: a naive belief in the need to grab a supposedly ‘historic’ opportunity without thinking three or four steps ahead,” Mr. Kramer said.

Mr. Schanzer, meanwhile, suggested the possible loss of American support as the primary factor that could dissuade Mr. Netanyahu from following through with annexation on July 1.

“I think [Mr. Netanyahu] certainly sees this as a historic opportunity, but I also think the Israelis are concerned about making a move with only a few months left in the Trump administration, and what the optics of that might look like if we have a change in president,” he said. “So there’s a good argument for postponing a full annexation.”

JERUSALEM– Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, with the stroke of a pen, has actually closed doubts about his personal future and about whether he had lost the tactical wizardry that enabled him to dominate the political scene for more than a years.

Mr. Netanyahu protected an 18- month lease on power in a deal Monday with archrival Benny Gantz and the weakened center-left Blue and White party. The big question now is what he plans to do with his victory.

Common Israelis, ground down by 3 inconclusive elections in less than a year and by tedious backroom talks over a “unity federal government,” appeared to welcome the news with resignation verging on apathy. However with the coronavirus ravaging the nation, the economy largely sheltering in place and increasing uncertainty across the area, Mr. Netanyahu, experts state, has never ever been one to let a great crisis go to waste.

” I assured the state of Israel a nationwide emergency federal government that will work to save the lives and incomes of the citizens of Israel,” Mr. Netanyahu said in a triumphant tweet after protecting the deal with Mr. Gantz to share power, Cabinet seats and the prime ministership for the next three years.

Israeli political analysts say the long negotiating ordeal showed Mr. Netanyahu’s ability, versus long odds, to steamroll some opponents and co-opt others.

Mr. Gantz, the former army chief whose whole political movement was focused on getting the corruption-challenged Mr. Netanyahu out of power, “is now the indicted prime minister’s chief protector and protector,” expert Anshel Pfeffer said in a Tuesday opinion column in Haaretz.

” He is contractually obliged to safeguard Netanyahu’s position not just for the next 18 months while he stays prime minister, however for the whole 3 years, consisting of the second half when Netanyahu is deputy premier however the real power in government, as he will still have the obligation of three-quarters of the coalition’s lawmakers,” stated Mr. Pfeffer, who has actually authored a biography of the prime minister.

With a politically damaged Mr. Gantz as his partner and typically excellent evaluations for his handling of Israel’s coronavirus crisis, Mr. Netanyahu might have a much better chance of moving ahead on key top priorities, Joshua Mitnick composed in ForeignPolicy.com.

” The pandemic has also been a political salve” for Mr. Netanyahu, “allowing [him] to postpone his corruption trial, smash the country’s main opposition party, and now forge a governing majority that had actually eluded him since late2018 In the coming months, it could offer another dividend: … a possibility to fulfill a nationalist program of annexing parts of the West Bank and effectively quashing Palestinian goals for a state of their own.”

Under the offer, Mr. Netanyahu remains in power on a rotation with Mr. Gantz, who will end up being prime minister in 2021– if a crisis does not derail the unity government prior to then.

The agreement to keep Mr. Netanyahu in power has actually been met with some minor protests. An iconic pre-deal image of thousands collected in Tel Aviv observing social distancing while opposing Mr. Netanyahu’s ongoing reign was more evocative than reliable.

On paper, at least, Mr. Netanyahu will have to get utilized to sharing some of his power. Mr. Gantz, a retired basic and previous Israeli military chief of staff, will be the vice prime minister and defense minister.

Iranian-backed Hezbollah members cut 3 holes in a border fence last week, and the Syrian regime has actually blamed Israel for current airstrikes, consisting of one Monday as the deal was being worked out.

Mr. Netanyahu’s real success in past elections was a capability to hold on to power without the need to form a new union. This time, Mr. Netanyahu was able to divide Blue and White factions at the last moment and bring Mr. Gantz into a contract over strong objections of other Blue and White figures who left the alliance and took their Knesset seats with them.

Early test

An early test of the power-sharing federal government will be the choice on annexing parts of the West Bank, a concept enshrined in President Trump’s Israeli-Palestinian peace plan. Mr. Gantz has actually urged caution, but Mr. Netanyahu appears to have little opposition and is figured out to act when the describes of the U.S. map are handed over this summertime.

The unity offer explicitly enables Mr. Netanyahu to raise the issue of annexation in the Cabinet after July 1.

Some information on the new division of power were still emerging Tuesday.

The Likud and its allies and the Knesset will run the ministries of health, financing, internal security and education, among others, while Blue and White ministers will supervise defense, foreign affairs, justice and the economy. The new speaker of the Knesset, Yariv Levin, will be a Netanyahu Likud ally.

Analysts state the arrangement looks like a major win for Mr. Netanyahu, a minimum of early. He remains as prime minister, and new elections will be held if the courts guideline against him in his corruption prosecution.

Mr. Gantz’s soft celebration and the upset reactions of a few of his onetime allies were further signs of how the agreement was greeted.

The opposition, who showed at times an awkward presence on the stump beside the charismatic prime minister, sounded practically relieved that the stalemate had ended.

” We avoided a 4th election,” Mr. Gantz informed press reporters. “We will safeguard our democracy and fight against the coronavirus.”

Private advocacy groups have submitted legal challenges arguing that an indicted figure like Mr. Netanyahu ought to not be enabled to form a government, The Associated Press reported Tuesday. The prime minister dealt with numerous charges of scams, breach of trust and accepting bribes. He denies the charges and states he is the victim of a hostile media and aggressive prosecution.

Leftist parties were roughly important of Mr. Gantz for cutting a deal.

” The male who was expected to be the prime minister who would bring change chose to raise a white flag instead of winning,” Tamar Zandberg, chairwoman of the social democratic Meretz party, told The Jerusalem Post.

” Gantz ruined the hope of a bulk of Israelis and sold the mandate that the majority offered him to a corrupt inciter,” she stated. “This is not an emergency government, but there is an emergency circumstance for our democracy.”

The virus crisis supplied Mr. Netanyahu and his Likud party with unanticipated leverage. After 3 inconclusive national elections in less than a year, surveys showed Mr. Netanyahu was in a more powerful position if a fourth nationwide vote was required.

⦁ This post is based in part on wire service reports.

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