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https://s3.us-west-1.wasabisys.com/virusreports/2020/05/cropped-virus-favicon-32x32.png Abortion Archives - Virus Reports https://virusreports.net/tag/abortion/ 32 32 Abortion Rises as a Pivotal Issue for At-Risk Senate Republicans https://virusreports.net/abortion-rises-as-a-pivotal-issue-for-at-risk-senate-republicans/ https://virusreports.net/abortion-rises-as-a-pivotal-issue-for-at-risk-senate-republicans/#respond Tue, 30 Jun 2020 13:22:21 +0000 https://virusreports.net/abortion-rises-as-a-pivotal-issue-for-at-risk-senate-republicans/ The Supreme Court’s rejection of a restrictive Louisiana abortion law, and Justice Brett M. Kavanaugh’s dissent, may create new challenges for Susan Collins and other Republican senators up for re-election.Senator Susan Collins, Republican of Maine, outside the Senate Chamber this month. The Supreme Court ruling on abortion has underscored what may be one of her…

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The Supreme Court’s rejection of a restrictive Louisiana abortion law, and Justice Brett M. Kavanaugh’s dissent, may create new challenges for Susan Collins and other Republican senators up for re-election.

Credit…Anna Moneymaker for The New York Times

Maggie AstorMatt Stevens

It did not take Sara Gideon long to leverage Monday’s Supreme Court ruling on abortion in her race against Senator Susan Collins.

When Ms. Collins, a Maine Republican, cast a decisive vote to confirm Justice Brett M. Kavanaugh to the Supreme Court in 2018, she did so on the premise that he would uphold precedent to preserve abortion rights. But on Monday, Justice Kavanaugh dissented from a decision that did that, arguing that the court should have ruled differently than it did in a nearly identical case four years ago.

“Do you still think Brett Kavanaugh believes Roe v. Wade is settled law, @SenSusanCollins?” tweeted Ms. Gideon, Ms. Collins’s likely Democratic opponent.

Ms. Collins, a rare Republican who supports abortion rights, is facing the most difficult campaign of her more than 20-year Senate career, in large part as a result of her vote to confirm Justice Kavanaugh — and the new ruling has taken what may be one of her biggest vulnerabilities and put it squarely at the center of public attention.

She is not alone: The ruling, which struck down a Louisiana law that could have left the state with just a single abortion clinic, reverberated rapidly through Washington and beyond, adding a new focus on one of the most divisive issues in American politics to the critical Senate races that will determine which party controls the chamber in 2021.

Advocacy groups both for and against abortion rights signaled that they would use Monday’s ruling — and especially the fact that President Trump’s appointees, Justices Kavanaugh and Neil M. Gorsuch, dissented — to try to motivate voters. And political strategists said that although many voters’ opinions on abortion were immovable, Monday’s ruling had vaulted it back into the national conversation after months of focus on the coronavirus and racial inequality.

“Everyone who voted wrong, we’re coming for you,” Ilyse Hogue, president of NARAL Pro-Choice America, wrote in a tweet that named Ms. Collins and Senators Cory Gardner of Colorado, Joni Ernst of Iowa, Thom Tillis of North Carolina and Lindsey Graham of South Carolina, all of whom voted to confirm Justice Kavanaugh.

Ms. Collins said in a statement that she supported the ruling, and that it was “reading too much into this specific decision” to say Justice Kavanaugh’s dissent indicated that he would vote to outlaw abortion.

“As Justice Gorsuch noted, ‘In truth, Roe v. Wade is not even at issue here,’” she said. “And while Justice Kavanaugh called for additional fact finding in this case, he gave no indication in his dissenting opinion that he supports overturning Roe.”

Ms. Collins, Mr. Gardner and Mr. Tillis are seen as three of the most vulnerable Republicans in the Senate. And Ms. Ernst’s and Mr. Graham’s seats, while nowhere near as competitive, have become more so than they were a few months ago as President Trump’s popularity has eroded.

High-profile Democratic lawmakers like Senators Kamala Harris of California and Kirsten Gillibrand of New York were quick to applaud the decision on Monday as a victory for reproductive rights. But in a sign of what is at stake in November, Democratic officials and Senate candidates like Ms. Gideon also moved swiftly to condemn their Republican opponents, and to emphasize that if Mr. Trump gets another Supreme Court pick, the next ruling could go the other way.

“Republican leaders will continue to go after the rights of women and anyone seeking reproductive care to make decisions about their own bodies, their own families and their own futures,” top Democratic National Committee members said in a joint statement. “Democrats are doing everything in our power to flip the Senate, defeat Donald Trump, and make sure Roe remains the law of the land.”

Nearly all sitting Republican senators voted to confirm Justice Kavanaugh, including those in competitive races this year. Senator Martha McSally of Arizona, a Republican who is in a tough battle against Mark Kelly, a Democrat, had not been appointed to her Senate seat at the time of the October 2018 vote, but indicated that she would have voted in favor.

A spokeswoman for the Republican National Committee said the party “values the life and health of both the mother and the unborn baby” and sought to use conservative anger over the ruling to drive turnout in the fall.

“It’s unfortunate to see the Supreme Court trample on the prerogatives of states with this decision,” the spokeswoman, Mandi Merritt, said in a statement. “It’s cases like this which serve as a reminder to why President Trump must be re-elected so he can appoint more conservative judges who won’t legislate from the bench.”

The Louisiana law at issue requires doctors performing abortions to have admitting privileges at hospitals, and Republican lawmakers argued on Twitter that the court had struck down legislation that “fundamentally protects women.” Supporters of abortion rights argue, and the Supreme Court’s majority opinion agreed, that requiring abortion providers to have admitting privileges does not make women safer.

Mallory Quigley, a spokeswoman for the anti-abortion Susan B. Anthony List, said in an interview that she believed the ruling could underscore the stakes of the election for voters who oppose abortion but align with Democrats on other issues.

Mr. Trump nominated two justices who “made the right decision on the biggest abortion case they’ve had the opportunity to rule on,” Ms. Quigley said. “Whoever wins this election is going to have the opportunity to appoint one to two Supreme Court justices in the next four years, and we have got to make sure that is President Trump, backed up by a pro-life Senate majority.”

Jenny Lawson, executive director of Planned Parenthood Votes, framed Monday’s decision less as a victory than an averted catastrophe, saying in a statement, “Abortion access is not further decimated in Louisiana — for now — but that’s only because Donald Trump’s two Supreme Court appointees, Brett Kavanaugh and Neil Gorsuch, didn’t get their way.”

Both Democratic and Republican pollsters said they believed that voters for whom abortion is a key issue were already highly energized and were unlikely to be moved by Monday’s decision.

But Anna Greenberg, a Democratic pollster, said that in Maine, Justice Kavanaugh’s dissent could undermine Ms. Collins’s longstanding argument that she is an independent voice within the Republican Party — something Maine voters tend to value.

The abortion issue itself could drive some suburban women away from Ms. Collins, she added, especially in the Portland area, but the issue of independence could loom larger statewide.

Whit Ayres, a Republican pollster, said that swing voters would weigh the strength of their convictions on abortion against concerns like the coronavirus pandemic and racial justice. “There are so many issues that have dominated our discussion almost to the exclusion of everything else,” Mr. Ayres said.

Monday’s ruling on abortion could “raise its significance somewhat, as we’re speaking today in June,” he said. “The question remains whether it will be that way a month or two or four from now.”

Republicans currently hold a 53-47 Senate majority, meaning Democrats must pick up three or four seats — depending who wins the presidency — to give them control of the chamber. They have at least that many targets in mind.

In Colorado, Mr. Gardner will try to hold off either John Hickenlooper, a well-known former two-term governor and Denver mayor, or Andrew Romanoff, a former state House speaker who has mounted a vigorous Democratic primary challenge and offered a statement Monday in support of the court’s decision, saying, “We cannot rest until reproductive rights are fully protected by federal law.”

Late Monday, the Colorado Democratic Party released its own statement attacking Mr. Gardner as someone who “has crusaded to restrict reproductive rights for years” and condemning his votes to confirm Justices Kavanaugh and Gorsuch. A spokesman for Mr. Gardner’s campaign did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Mr. Hickenlooper welcomed the news of the court’s abortion ruling, but also sought to keep the focus on the fall.

“We need to elect pro-choice leaders at every level of government,” he said in a statement. “And we can start by flipping Colorado’s Senate seat.”

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Woman behind US abortion ruling was paid to recant https://virusreports.net/woman-behind-us-abortion-ruling-was-paid-to-recant/ https://virusreports.net/woman-behind-us-abortion-ruling-was-paid-to-recant/#respond Wed, 20 May 2020 06:21:53 +0000 https://virusreports.net/woman-behind-us-abortion-ruling-was-paid-to-recant/ Image copyright Getty Images Image caption McCorvey spent the final years of her life campaigning against abortion access The woman behind the 1973 ruling legalising abortion in the US is seen admitting in a new documentary that her stunning change of heart on the issue in later life was "all an act".Norma McCorvey, known as…

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This 21 January, 1998, file photo shows Norma McCorvey, the woman at the centre of the US Supreme Court ruling on abortion, testifying before a US Senate Judiciary Committee subcommittee hearing

Image copyright
Getty Images

Image caption

McCorvey spent the final years of her life campaigning against abortion access

The woman behind the 1973 ruling legalising abortion in the US is seen admitting in a new documentary that her stunning change of heart on the issue in later life was “all an act”.

Norma McCorvey, known as Jane Roe in the US Supreme Court’s decision on Roe v Wade, shocked the country in 1995 when she came out against abortion.

But in new footage, McCorvey alleges she was paid to switch sides.

The documentary, AKA Jane Roe, airs this Friday on the US channel FX.

The programme was filmed in the last months of McCorvey’s life before her death at age 69 in 2017 in Texas.

In her “deathbed confession”, as she calls it, a visibly ailing McCorvey says she only became an anti-abortion activist because she was paid by evangelical groups.

“I was the big fish,” she says. “I think it was a mutual thing. I took their money and they’d put me out in front of the cameras and tell me what to say.

“That’s what I’d say. It was all an act. I did it well too. I am a good actress. Of course, I’m not acting now.”

She added: “If a young woman wants to have an abortion, that’s no skin off my ass. That’s why they call it choice.”

Media playback is unsupported on your device

Media captionThe abortion battle explained in three minutes

AKA Jane Roe chronicles McCorvey’s troubled, impoverished youth as a sexual abuse survivor and her longstanding relationship with girlfriend Connie Gonzalez.

After her mid-1990s conversion to become a born-again Christian, McCorvey disavowed Gonzalez, even as they continued to live together.

The documentary touches upon another irony of McCorvey’s life – that she herself never had an abortion.

Image copyright
Getty Images

Image caption

McCorvey (right, pictured in 1989) was an abortion advocate before she became an anti-abortion campaigner

She was pregnant with her third child in 1970 when she was referred to two lawyers who wanted to challenge laws in Texas banning abortions except where the mother’s life was at risk. The case went all the way to the highest court in the land and ultimately changed America.

The Reverend Robert Schenck, one of the evangelical pastors who worked with McCorvey after her conversion to Christianity in the mid-1990s, also features in the documentary.

The minister acknowledges McCorvey was paid for her appearances on the movement’s behalf. The programme says it was as much as half a million dollars.

“I knew what we were doing,” Mr Schenck says. “And there were times when I was sure she knew.

“And I wondered: ‘Is she playing us?’ What I didn’t have the guts to say was: ‘Because I know damn well we’re playing her.'”

In a highly self-critical blog post on Tuesday, Mr Schenck said the documentary had made him cry and he hoped that people would watch it.

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Roe vs. Wade plaintiff was paid to turn on abortion: FX doc https://virusreports.net/roe-vs-wade-plaintiff-was-paid-to-turn-on-abortion-fx-doc/ https://virusreports.net/roe-vs-wade-plaintiff-was-paid-to-turn-on-abortion-fx-doc/#respond Wed, 20 May 2020 02:21:18 +0000 https://virusreports.net/roe-vs-wade-plaintiff-was-paid-to-turn-on-abortion-fx-doc/ When Norma McCorvey, the anonymous plaintiff in the landmark Roe vs. Wade case, came out against abortion in 1995, it stunned the world and represented a huge symbolic victory for abortion opponents: “Jane Roe” had gone to the other side. For the remainder of her life, McCorvey worked to overturn the law that bore her…

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When Norma McCorvey, the anonymous plaintiff in the landmark Roe vs. Wade case, came out against abortion in 1995, it stunned the world and represented a huge symbolic victory for abortion opponents: “Jane Roe” had gone to the other side. For the remainder of her life, McCorvey worked to overturn the law that bore her name.

But it was all a lie, McCorvey says in a documentary filmed in the months before her death in 2017, claiming she only did it because she was paid by antiabortion groups including Operation Rescue.

“I was the big fish. I think it was a mutual thing. I took their money and they’d put me out in front of the cameras and tell me what to say. That’s what I’d say,” she says in “AKA Jane Roe,” which premieres Friday on FX. “It was all an act. I did it well too. I am a good actress.”

In what she describes as a “deathbed confession,” a visibly ailing McCorvey restates her support for reproductive rights in colorful terms: “If a young woman wants to have an abortion, that’s no skin off my ass. That’s why they call it choice.”

 Norma McCorvey in a scene from the FX documentary “AKA Jane Roe.”

Norma McCorvey in a scene from the FX documentary “AKA Jane Roe.”

(FX)

Arriving in an election year as the Supreme Court is considering a high-profile abortion case with the potential to undermine Roe vs. Wade and several states across the country have imposed so-called “heartbeat laws” effectively banning the procedure, “AKA Jane Roe” is likely to provoke strong emotions on both sides of this perennial front in the culture wars.

Director Nick Sweeney says his goal was not necessarily to stir controversy, but to create a fully realized portrait of a flawed, fascinating woman who changed the course of American history but felt she was used as a pawn by both sides in the debate.

“The focus of the film is Norma. That’s what I really want people to take away from the film — who is this enigmatic person at the center of this very divisive issue,” he says. “With an issue like this there can be a temptation for different players to reduce ‘Jane Roe’ to en emblem or a trophy, and behind that is a real person with a real story. Norma was incredibly complex.”

Sweeney started making the film in April 2016, frequently visiting McCorvey in Katy, Texas. At first, he says, she was reticent, “but when she realized I was not involved in the abortion debate she was very happy to open up.” Over the course of the time they spent together, McCorvey recounted details of her difficult upbringing — marked by abuse, neglect and a stint in reform school — turbulent personal life, including a short-lived teenage marriage, and a decades-long relationship with girlfriend Connie Gonzalez.

“I thought she was extremely interesting and enigmatic. I liked that her life was full of these fascinating contradictions,” says Sweeney, who also interviewed figures on either side of the abortion issue who were close to McCorvey, including attorney Gloria Allred and Rob Schenck, an evangelical minister and former leader of Operation Rescue.

McCorvey comes across as funny, sharp and unfiltered, with a broad performative streak. She rattles off lines from “Macbeth” and jokes, “I’m a very glamorous person — I can’t help it, it’s a gift.”

The documentary includes scenes of McCorvey on election night 2016 — a few months before she died of heart failure at age 69 — expressing her support for Hillary Clinton. “I wish I knew how many abortions Donald Trump was responsible for,” McCorvey muses. “I’m sure he’s lost count, if he can count that high.”

“She had a kind of sly wit,” says Sweeney, recalling the many hours he spent with her in Katy, going on doughnut runs or sitting in a park, where she’d make him pick magnolia flowers.

But there is also great sadness, particularly surrounding her relationship with Gonzalez, which she renounced after her conversion in 1995.

Norma McCorvey

Norma McCorvey on a summer afternoon in Smithville, Texas.

(Robert Daemmrich Photography Inc / Corbis)

The film explores one of the great ironies of McCorvey’s life story: Although she helped make abortion legal, McCorvey herself never had an abortion. She was pregnant with her third child when, in 1970, she signed an affidavit challenging laws in Texas which prohibited abortions except to save a mother’s life. As an impoverished, uneducated woman lacking the means to travel out of state or obtain an illegal procedure, she was an ideal plaintiff for the lawyers who tried the case, Sarah Weddington and Linda Coffee.

“I know how I felt when I found out that I was pregnant and I wasn’t going to let another woman feel that way — cheap, dirty and no good,” McCorvey says in the film. “Women make mistakes, and they make mistakes with men, and things happen. It’s just Mother Nature at work. You can’t stop it. You can’t explain it. It’s just something that happens.”

But it would take three years before the Supreme Court would render a verdict, by which time McCorvey had long since given birth to a girl who was placed for adoption. (Her second child had also been placed for adoption; her first child was raised by her mother.) McCorvey remembers learning of the decision in the newspaper and receiving a phone call from Weddington saying they’d won. “Why would I be excited? I had a baby, but I gave her away. It’s for all the women who come after me.”

“AKA Jane Roe” also shows how McCorvey was held at arm’s length by abortion rights proponents. After a decade of anonymity, McCorvey went public in the 1980s and began granting interviews, and was depicted in the Emmy-winning TV movie, “Roe vs. Wade,” starring Holly Hunter. But to the leaders of the abortion rights movement, the inconsistencies in her story — for a time McCorvey claimed she had gotten pregnant as the result of a rape, then said she had been lying — and lack of polish made her a less-than-ideal poster girl for the cause.

In 1995, she was working at a Dallas abortion clinic that was targeted for demonstrations by Operation Rescue, a militant organization known for extreme tactics such as blockading clinics (the group is now known as Operation Save America). She struck up an unlikely friendship with Flip Benham, an evangelical minister, who baptized her in a backyard pool, and for the next two decades of her life was a fixture at antiabortion protests and in documentaries. In 1998, she published a second memoir, “Won by Love,” detailing her change of heart on abortion. As Benham recalls with evident pride in “AKA Jane Roe,” McCorvey also took part in demonstrations where he burned the LGBT flag and the Quran.

Despite her visible role in the fight against abortion, McCorvey says she was a mercenary, not a true believer. And Schenck, who has also distanced himself from the antiabortion movement, at least partially corroborates the allegations, saying that she was paid out of concern “that she would go back to the other side,” he says in the film. “There were times I wondered: Is she playing us? And what I didn’t have the guts to say was, because I know damn well we were playing her.”

Schenck expresses regret at targeting McCorvey, someone whose vulnerabilities could be easily exploited, he says. “What we did with Norma was highly unethical. The jig is up.”

‘AKA Jane Roe’

Where: FX

When: 9 p.m. Friday

Rating: TV-MA (may be unsuitable for children under the age of 17)

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Abortion by Telemedicine: A Growing Option as Access to Clinics Wanes https://virusreports.net/abortion-by-telemedicine-a-growing-option-as-access-to-clinics-wanes/ https://virusreports.net/abortion-by-telemedicine-a-growing-option-as-access-to-clinics-wanes/#respond Tue, 28 Apr 2020 13:24:02 +0000 https://virusreports.net/abortion-by-telemedicine-a-growing-option-as-access-to-clinics-wanes/ Ashley Dale was grateful she could end her pregnancy at home.As her 3-year-old daughter played nearby, she spoke by video from her living room in Hawaii with Dr. Bliss Kaneshiro, an obstetrician-gynecologist, who was a 200-mile plane ride away in Honolulu. The doctor explained that two medicines that would be mailed to Ms. Dale would…

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Ashley Dale was grateful she could end her pregnancy at home.

As her 3-year-old daughter played nearby, she spoke by video from her living room in Hawaii with Dr. Bliss Kaneshiro, an obstetrician-gynecologist, who was a 200-mile plane ride away in Honolulu. The doctor explained that two medicines that would be mailed to Ms. Dale would halt her pregnancy and cause a miscarriage.

“Does it sound like what you want to do in terms of terminating the pregnancy?” Dr. Kaneshiro asked gently. Ms. Dale, who said she would love to have another baby, had wrestled with the decision, but circumstances involving an estranged boyfriend had made the choice clear: “It does,” she replied.

Abortion through telemedicine is a quietly growing phenomenon, driven in part by restrictions from conservative states and the Trump administration that have limited access and increased the distance many women must travel to abortion clinics.

Now, the coronavirus pandemic is catapulting demand for telemedicine abortion to a new level, with much of the nation under strict stay-at-home advisories and as several states, including Arkansas, Oklahoma and Texas, have sought to suspend access to surgical abortions during the crisis.

The telemedicine program that Ms. Dale participated in has been allowed to operate as a research study for several years under a special arrangement with the Food and Drug Administration. It allows women seeking abortions to have video consultations with certified doctors and then receive abortion pills by mail to take on their own.

Over the past year, the program, called TelAbortion, has expanded from serving five states to serving 13, adding two of those — Illinois and Maryland — as the coronavirus crisis exploded. Not including those new states, about twice as many women had abortions through the program in March and April as in January and February.

To accommodate women during the pandemic, TelAbortion is “working to expand to new states as fast as possible,” said Dr. Elizabeth Raymond, senior medical associate at Gynuity Health Projects, which runs the program. It is also hearing from more women in neighboring states seeking to cross state lines so TelAbortion can serve them.

As of April 22, TelAbortion had mailed a total of 841 packages containing abortion pills and confirmed 611 completed abortions, Dr. Raymond said. Another 216 participants were either still in the follow-up process or have not been in contact to confirm their results. The program’s growth is significant enough that Republican senators recently introduced a bill to ban telemedicine abortion.

The F.D.A., which has allowed TelAbortion to continue operating during the Trump administration, declined to answer questions from The New York Times about the program.

The F.D.A. rules, however, do not specify that providers must see patients in person, so some clinics have begun allowing women to come in for video consultations with certified doctors based elsewhere. TelAbortion goes further, offering telemedicine consultations to women at home (or anywhere), mailing them pills and following up after women take them.

In interviews, seven women who terminated pregnancies through TelAbortion described the conflicting emotions and intricate logistics that can accompany a decision to have an abortion, and their reasons for choosing to do it through telemedicine.

Ms. Dale, a single mother, was about to start a job at a storage center when she became pregnant last year. She would have had to fly to Honolulu, incurring expenses for travel and child care.

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Credit…Michelle Mishina-Kunz for The New York Times

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Credit…Michelle Mishina-Kunz for The New York Times

“The alternative would be to wait for a doctor to come to my island in three weeks,” Ms. Dale, 35, told Dr. Kaneshiro during her consultation, which she allowed a Times reporter to observe. By then, she would be too pregnant for a medication abortion.

But many TelAbortion patients live near clinics. Shiloh Kirby, 24, of Denver, who said she had become pregnant after being raped at a party, chose TelAbortion for convenience and privacy. She conducted her video consultation while sitting in her car in the parking lot of the hardware store where she worked.

Dawn, 30, a divorced mother of two who asked to be identified only by her first name, was terrified that the debilitating postpartum depression she experienced after her children’s births would return if she continued her pregnancy. And she worried protesters at her local Planned Parenthood in Salem, Ore., might recognize her.

“I just don’t want to deal with that ridicule,” she said.

Based on state laws governing telemedicine and abortion, Dr. Raymond estimated TelAbortion might be legal in slightly over half of the states, including some conservative ones. It now serves Colorado, Georgia, Hawaii, Illinois, Iowa, Maine, Maryland, Minnesota, Montana, New Mexico, New York, Oregon and Washington.

The doctors (and nurses or midwives in some states) who do TelAbortion’s video consultations must be licensed in states where medication is mailed, but do not have to practice there. Likewise, patients do not have to live in the states that TelAbortion serves; they just have to be in one of them during the videoconference and provide an address there — that of a friend, relative, even a motel or post office — to which pills can be shipped.

“We have had patients who cross state lines in order to receive TelAbortions,” Dr. Raymond said. More are expected to do so during the pandemic. This month, a woman from Texas drove 10 hours in snowy weather to New Mexico, where she stayed in a motel for her videoconference and to receive the pills.

The organization that provides TelAbortion services in Georgia, carafem, has expanded recently to Maryland and Illinois, and it is running digital ads that are expected to reach women in some nearby states like Missouri and Ohio, which have more abortion restrictions, said Melissa Grant, carafem’s chief operations officer.

In May, shortly after Georgia’s governor signed one of the country’s strictest abortion laws (which is now being challenged in court), Lee, 37, who lives near Atlanta, discovered she was seven weeks pregnant.

Lee, who asked to be identified only by a shortened version of her first name, said the pregnancy had shocked her because she took birth control pills regularly. She decided to terminate the pregnancy because she had recently cut ties with her boyfriend after he was arrested on drug charges, she said.

She kept her decision from her family members, who she said were strongly against abortion. And she feared protesters would castigate her if she visited an abortion clinic.

“No one goes through life saying, ‘I’m going to grow up and get an abortion,’” Lee said. “So you’re already struggling with that and then to have someone tell you that you’re going to hell or that you’re killing babies, it’s horrible.”

She found carafem, and videoconferenced in her office at lunchtime with a doctor in another state.

During such consultations, doctors explain that most women do not experience discomfort from mifepristone, which blocks a hormone necessary for pregnancy to develop. Cramping and bleeding, resembling a heavy period, occur after the expulsion of fetal tissue caused by the second drug, misoprostol, which is taken up to 48 hours later. After several hours, bleeding dwindles but might continue for two weeks. In rare cases, women can develop fevers, infections or extensive bleeding requiring medical attention.

Lee received a package marked only with her name and address; it contained the pills, tea bags, peppermints, maxipads, prescription ibuprofen and nausea medication.

“Just everything you could need,” she said. “It was so comforting.”

TelAbortion reports that of the 611 completed abortions documented through April 22, most were accomplished with only the pills and without complications. In 26 cases, aspiration was performed to finish the termination.

Dr. Raymond said 46 women went to emergency rooms or urgent care centers with issues that appear just as likely to have occurred if the women had followed the common practice of visiting abortion clinics for consultations, taking the first medication there and the second at home. Two women went before receiving the pills and two before taking them, either because of morning sickness or because they thought they were miscarrying. Fifteen ended up needing no medical treatment. Some were given medicine for pain or nausea.

Three were hospitalized, all successfully treated: two women had excessive bleeding, and another had a seizure after an aspiration, Dr. Raymond said.

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Credit…Rachel Woolf for The New York Times

Eleven women decided not to have abortions and did not take the pills they were sent. Another woman continued her pregnancy after the medication failed, as did another after vomiting the mifepristone. Sixteen women have undergone two telabortions, Dr. Raymond said.

Of the women The Times interviewed, only Dawn, who said she has anxiety, called the 24-hour TelAbortion line for emotional support.

“It was after I took the pills,” Dawn said. “I felt like my body, my hormones essentially crashed. And because I suffer from mental health issues, just everything was just kind of out of whack and I started really panicking bad. I called the nurse and she just sat on the phone with me.”

TelAbortion typically charges $200 to $375 for consultations and pills. Women must also pay for an ultrasound and lab tests, obtained from any provider. During the coronavirus pandemic, TelAbortion may waive its requirement for an ultrasound to gauge the gestational age of the pregnancy if women are unable to visit a doctor to obtain one, Dr. Raymond said.

In some states, some or all of the costs are covered by private insurance or Medicaid. For women facing financial hardship, like Ms. Kirby in Denver, the program taps abortion grant networks.

Some patients said the teleconsultations helped them navigate the complex feelings that abortion can evoke.

Leigh, a 28-year-old construction inspector in Denver, who asked to be identified only by her middle name, said she considered herself “totally pro-life.”

But, she said, she also has depression, which became so severe after she had a baby two years ago that she sometimes felt suicidal. Doctors, she said, “didn’t trust me alone with my baby.”

Last March, after discovering she was pregnant and consulting her fiancé, she called Planned Parenthood. “I said, ‘I don’t want to be this person, but I need to abort this pregnancy,’” Leigh said.

She chose the TelAbortion option. After taking the first medication, she attended a previously scheduled photo shoot for engagement pictures with her fiancé, then took the second medication that evening.

Conducting her follow-up call from a field on a job site, Leigh told the doctor, Kristina Tocce, medical director of Planned Parenthood of the Rocky Mountains, that she felt compelled to abort “no matter how much I hate myself.”

When she sees a baby now, she says she still sometimes wonders, “‘Did I make the wrong choice?’”

“I wanted to keep my baby, but I just couldn’t,” she said.

During Ms. Dale’s videoconference in Hawaii, Dr. Kaneshiro spoke calmly.

“It is pretty normal to pass some blood clots that maybe are even the size of a quarter,” she said.

“I’m prepared because I actually had a miscarriage last year at four months along,” Ms. Dale replied.

“This will not be that bad — I mean, at this stage of pregnancy, the actual embryo is smaller than the size of a grain of rice,” Dr. Kaneshiro said. “It’s very unlikely to see anything that’s recognizable as a pregnancy.”

“OK, that’s good,” said Ms. Dale, then eight and a half weeks pregnant.

“It doesn’t affect future pregnancies, so it doesn’t have any long-term effects,” Dr. Kaneshiro said.

“OK, that was one of my questions, thank you,” Ms. Dale said.

“Mommy, mommy!” called her daughter, Sophia, bouncing into the living room from a bedroom filled with Legos and a pop-up castle.

“She’s beautiful,” Dr. Kaneshiro said.

Ms. Dale’s consultation and lab tests were covered by Hawaii public assistance. The pills, which cost her $135, arrived by certified mail. She placed them on a table near two pregnancy ultrasound photos.

“OK, this is happening,” Ms. Dale said she told herself. “I’m doing this.”

Her reasons partly involved disagreements with her estranged boyfriend, the father of Sophia, now 4. Their strained relationship made Ms. Dale believe she would have to raise their second child alone.

“I’ve got a beautiful daughter and I’d really love to have another one,” she said. “But it’s just not feasible for my sanity, and I feel like I’d basically be guaranteeing us to live in poverty.”

On the back of an ultrasound picture, she wrote: “Never forget why you had to make the hard decision to let this baby go.” She swallowed the pill.

She had Sophia stay at her mother’s house and took the other tablets, which she said felt like chalk in her mouth. To distract from seven hours of cramping and heavy bleeding, she watched back-to-back “Matrix” movies.

“It’s not like it was easy,” she reflected later, “but at the same time it’s pretty clearly the right choice.”

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How Abortion, Guns and Church Closings Made Coronavirus a Culture War https://virusreports.net/how-abortion-guns-and-church-closings-made-coronavirus-a-culture-war/ https://virusreports.net/how-abortion-guns-and-church-closings-made-coronavirus-a-culture-war/#respond Tue, 21 Apr 2020 10:25:41 +0000 https://virusreports.net/how-abortion-guns-and-church-closings-made-coronavirus-a-culture-war/ April 20, 2020This is what it looks like when a pandemic collides with the culture wars in America.The mayor of Louisville, Ky., warned churches that holding services on Easter Sunday would defy the city’s social distancing guidelines. Mitch McConnell, the Kentucky Republican and Senate majority leader, answered with a stern letter, arguing, “Religious people should…

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Jeremy W. Peters

This is what it looks like when a pandemic collides with the culture wars in America.

The mayor of Louisville, Ky., warned churches that holding services on Easter Sunday would defy the city’s social distancing guidelines. Mitch McConnell, the Kentucky Republican and Senate majority leader, answered with a stern letter, arguing, “Religious people should not be singled out for disfavored treatment.”

The Democratic governor in Michigan extended bans on certain outdoor activities to include using motorboats. Conservatives called her an authoritarian and caricatured her move as a slap at people who enjoy the outdoors. “You can’t go fishing,” a local activist lamented in an interview on “Fox & Friends.”

And even though firearms stores remain free to do business in most of the country, the National Rifle Association has a stark message for gun owners. “They want your guns. They want ’em all,” declared the country music legend Charlie Daniels in a promotional video he recorded for the N.R.A. from quarantine at his home in Tennessee.

The new patchwork of state and local policies designed to flatten the spread of the coronavirus is inflaming old passions over some of the most contentious issues in politics. Guns, abortion, voting rights and religious expression — concerns that would seem to have little to do with a virus that has sickened millions of Americans and killed more than 37,000 — have emerged as fault lines in the debate over how government is responding to the crisis.

President Trump does on occasion speak about the importance of social distancing, as he did on Monday, but he is also encouraging discontent, seeing it as a source of raw emotion he can tap as protesters across the country wave “Trump 2020” flags and demand that the country reopen. With messages last week to his Twitter followers to “LIBERATE” states where residents are now under orders to limit their movement — specifically, Michigan, Minnesota and Virginia, all led by Democratic governors — he is feeding what conservatives described as a rising sense of restlessness on the right.

“There’s a tremendous amount of social unrest,” said Jeff Landry, the Republican attorney general of Louisiana and an ally of Mr. Trump. “Governors who are using the pandemic as an excuse to keep certain measures in place do so at their own peril.”

For now, Mr. Trump is speaking to the minority of Americans who believe the government has gone too far in trying to contain the threat from the virus. And he is doing so by spreading misinformation and innuendo about how the restrictions affect issues like gun ownership and freedom of worship. He falsely claimed last week, for instance, that the Second Amendment was under threat in Virginia.

Over the weekend he made unfounded insinuations that Muslims celebrating Ramadan, which begins this week, would not be subject to the same social distancing limitations as Christians were on Easter just over a week ago. “I’ve seen a great disparity in this country,” he said. “They go after Christian churches, but they don’t tend to go after mosques.”

So far, a mass uprising seems unlikely. Many of the demonstrations, like one in Denver on Sunday, have drawn only a few hundred people. Larger gatherings, like one at the State Capitol in Lansing, Mich., last week, attracted far-right activists and militia sympathizers, some of whom had semiautomatic rifles slung over their shoulders.

The White House’s own current guidelines reflect what most epidemiologists say: Social distancing, limiting personal contact and wearing masks in public are all crucial to keeping the virus in check. Medical experts, including those advising Mr. Trump, have warned that easing these guidelines could lead to a surge in new infections.

But some conservatives who support the president’s re-election campaign said they believed that many Americans are growing frustrated with the orders that keep them from socializing, working and worshiping normally. The White House is closely tracking those concerns, and has made Mr. Trump and Vice President Mike Pence available on several conference calls with faith leaders to assure them the administration is listening. And after a Mississippi church was penalized for holding drive-in services in defiance of a local order, Attorney General William P. Barr lent his support, saying that congregants’ First Amendment rights were being infringed.

“My sense is that this is a caldron,” said Ralph Reed, the founder of the Faith and Freedom Coalition and a veteran organizer of the religious right. “It is simply unsustainable to tell people that they have to sit helplessly in their homes watching their businesses go bankrupt, their jobs disappear and their lives destroyed.”

Pointing to a recent survey from the right-leaning American Enterprise Institute that found nearly 90 percent of houses of worship in the country were no longer offering services as usual, Mr. Reed said that there were growing questions among religious conservatives, like “why liquor stores and grocery stores can be open, but their churches are closed.” Mr. Reed added that while he thought most people were still willing to stay home, he saw patience fraying.

Speaking of Democrats, he said, “If they’re not careful, they will take what they think is going to be a referendum on Donald Trump and turn it into a referendum on the denial of basic freedoms and liberties.”

While tensions have flared in the last week, competing political agendas have shaped how leaders approached the enforcement of coronavirus-related restrictions in the past month.

Texas, in particular, has been a laboratory for a conservative pandemic response. Like Ohio, Alabama and a few other states with Republican leadership, Texas initially included abortion among the elective medical procedures it said would have to wait until after the immediate threat of the virus had passed. And as the state started ordering the closure of schools and nonessential businesses late last month, the Republican attorney general, Ken Paxton, warned abortion providers that they would be “met with the full force of the law” if they did not stop operating.

The restriction amounted to “an abuse of power and part of an ongoing effort to use sham justifications to shut down clinics and make an end run around Roe v. Wade,” said Nancy Northup, president of the Center for Reproductive Rights, one of the groups that sued Texas. Clinics remain closed and the governor has said he will leave it up to the courts to decide whether the easing of restrictions on some medical procedures, set to take effect Wednesday, applies to abortions.

Four days after his admonition to abortion clinics, Mr. Paxton issued an opinion on an unrelated but equally fraught culture war issue, declaring that emergency stay-at-home orders could not be used to force the closure of firearms stores in the state.

The public policy decisions there differ strikingly from states like New York, where Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo has declared gun stores to be nonessential businesses. The move prompted a lawsuit from the N.R.A., which is challenging similar actions by lawmakers in New Mexico and California. Conservatives, Mr. Landry said, see these as examples of how “Democrats have basically leveraged this thing to get what they want.”

On other issues ranging from property rights to prison policy, Texas has been at the front lines of the escalating clash between left and right. Conservatives have opposed local efforts to prevent second homeowners from going to their properties and to expand access to voting by mail, which is limited to certain populations like older people and those with disabilities.

The American Civil Liberties Union sued after Gov. Greg Abbott issued an order preventing the release of some inmates at risk of contracting the virus. Mr. Abbott said releasing “dangerous criminals” put the community at risk because it “slows our ability to respond to the disaster caused by Covid-19.” A state court disagreed and temporarily blocked the governor’s order. The A.C.L.U. has filed more than 30 similar lawsuits across the country.

But there are exceptions. Though Republicans in states like Texas and Wisconsin have tried to prevent broader access to alternatives to in-person voting, in Pennsylvania Republicans are supporting it. And in Oklahoma, the Republican governor has approved the release of hundreds of inmates so overcrowded conditions do not contribute to more infections.

“The pandemic held out the hope that we could come together and unite and rise above the partisan division that has so long afflicted us, and I think in some instances we are seeing that,” said David Cole, the A.C.L.U.’s national legal director. He added that instances of large church services and gatherings of hundreds of protesters were outliers so far.

“Which makes it all the more disturbing,” he added, “that the president of the United States encouraged this kind of activity.”

It is not difficult to understand why Mr. Trump feels the impulse to back the demonstrators. Footage of the recent protests shows a significant presence of Trump paraphernalia and an outpouring of support for him. At the Michigan event, which was documented on Facebook by a reporter for The Detroit Free Press, one man waving a Confederate flag explained through his protective mask why he was there. “Trump. Trump all the way,” he said.

Others carried the bumblebee yellow Gadsden flag, its coiled snake and “Don’t tread on me” emblem a symbol of the Tea Party, which Mr. Trump has always felt an affinity toward.

At the protest outside the Colorado State Capitol on Sunday, one woman who said the shutdowns had gone on too long told The Denver Post, “Pot shops are open, abortion clinics are open and my church is closed.”

One man who also attended the protest held a sign that read “Facts not fear,” a variation of the saying that Sean Hannity uses on his radio and Fox News programs — “Facts without fear” — to leave his fans with the false impression that they are getting the truth and nothing but.

The people at these protests have been overwhelmingly white. And while the coronavirus can strike people of any race, nationality, religion or political persuasion, data shows it is infecting and killing black people in the United States at disproportionately high rates.

Its spread also appears to be worsening in some of the states where the protests have taken place. In Kentucky, where last week demonstrators stood outside the Capitol building in Frankfort and chanted “We want to work!” at the Democratic governor, Andy Beshear, officials reported a sobering development on Monday.

The state recorded its highest number of new coronavirus cases yet in a single day: 273.

  • Updated April 11, 2020

    • When will this end?

      This is a difficult question, because a lot depends on how well the virus is contained. A better question might be: “How will we know when to reopen the country?” In an American Enterprise Institute report, Scott Gottlieb, Caitlin Rivers, Mark B. McClellan, Lauren Silvis and Crystal Watson staked out four goal posts for recovery: Hospitals in the state must be able to safely treat all patients requiring hospitalization, without resorting to crisis standards of care; the state needs to be able to at least test everyone who has symptoms; the state is able to conduct monitoring of confirmed cases and contacts; and there must be a sustained reduction in cases for at least 14 days.

    • How can I help?

      The Times Neediest Cases Fund has started a special campaign to help those who have been affected, which accepts donations here. Charity Navigator, which evaluates charities using a numbers-based system, has a running list of nonprofits working in communities affected by the outbreak. You can give blood through the American Red Cross, and World Central Kitchen has stepped in to distribute meals in major cities. More than 30,000 coronavirus-related GoFundMe fund-raisers have started in the past few weeks. (The sheer number of fund-raisers means more of them are likely to fail to meet their goal, though.)

    • What should I do if I feel sick?

      If you’ve been exposed to the coronavirus or think you have, and have a fever or symptoms like a cough or difficulty breathing, call a doctor. They should give you advice on whether you should be tested, how to get tested, and how to seek medical treatment without potentially infecting or exposing others.

    • Should I wear a mask?

      The C.D.C. has recommended that all Americans wear cloth masks if they go out in public. This is a shift in federal guidance reflecting new concerns that the coronavirus is being spread by infected people who have no symptoms. Until now, the C.D.C., like the W.H.O., has advised that ordinary people don’t need to wear masks unless they are sick and coughing. Part of the reason was to preserve medical-grade masks for health care workers who desperately need them at a time when they are in continuously short supply. Masks don’t replace hand washing and social distancing.

    • How do I get tested?

      If you’re sick and you think you’ve been exposed to the new coronavirus, the C.D.C. recommends that you call your healthcare provider and explain your symptoms and fears. They will decide if you need to be tested. Keep in mind that there’s a chance — because of a lack of testing kits or because you’re asymptomatic, for instance — you won’t be able to get tested.

    • How does coronavirus spread?

      It seems to spread very easily from person to person, especially in homes, hospitals and other confined spaces. The pathogen can be carried on tiny respiratory droplets that fall as they are coughed or sneezed out. It may also be transmitted when we touch a contaminated surface and then touch our face.

    • Is there a vaccine yet?

      No. Clinical trials are underway in the United States, China and Europe. But American officials and pharmaceutical executives have said that a vaccine remains at least 12 to 18 months away.

    • What makes this outbreak so different?

      Unlike the flu, there is no known treatment or vaccine, and little is known about this particular virus so far. It seems to be more lethal than the flu, but the numbers are still uncertain. And it hits the elderly and those with underlying conditions — not just those with respiratory diseases — particularly hard.

    • What if somebody in my family gets sick?

      If the family member doesn’t need hospitalization and can be cared for at home, you should help him or her with basic needs and monitor the symptoms, while also keeping as much distance as possible, according to guidelines issued by the C.D.C. If there’s space, the sick family member should stay in a separate room and use a separate bathroom. If masks are available, both the sick person and the caregiver should wear them when the caregiver enters the room. Make sure not to share any dishes or other household items and to regularly clean surfaces like counters, doorknobs, toilets and tables. Don’t forget to wash your hands frequently.

    • Should I stock up on groceries?

      Plan two weeks of meals if possible. But people should not hoard food or supplies. Despite the empty shelves, the supply chain remains strong. And remember to wipe the handle of the grocery cart with a disinfecting wipe and wash your hands as soon as you get home.

    • Can I go to the park?

      Yes, but make sure you keep six feet of distance between you and people who don’t live in your home. Even if you just hang out in a park, rather than go for a jog or a walk, getting some fresh air, and hopefully sunshine, is a good idea.

    • Should I pull my money from the markets?

      That’s not a good idea. Even if you’re retired, having a balanced portfolio of stocks and bonds so that your money keeps up with inflation, or even grows, makes sense. But retirees may want to think about having enough cash set aside for a year’s worth of living expenses and big payments needed over the next five years.

    • What should I do with my 401(k)?

      Watching your balance go up and down can be scary. You may be wondering if you should decrease your contributions — don’t! If your employer matches any part of your contributions, make sure you’re at least saving as much as you can to get that “free money.”


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