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Global Statistics

All countries
695,781,740
Confirmed
Updated on September 26, 2023 9:06 pm
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627,110,498
Recovered
Updated on September 26, 2023 9:06 pm
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6,919,573
Deaths
Updated on September 26, 2023 9:06 pm

Global Statistics

All countries
695,781,740
Confirmed
Updated on September 26, 2023 9:06 pm
All countries
627,110,498
Recovered
Updated on September 26, 2023 9:06 pm
All countries
6,919,573
Deaths
Updated on September 26, 2023 9:06 pm
Home Blog Page 5

Covid-19 herd immunity, explained

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Covid-19 herd immunity, explained

Once the herd immunity threshold is reached, the virus just doesn’t go away.
Arthobbit via Getty Images

There are two ways to reach herd immunity for Covid-19: the slow way, and the catastrophic way.

How will the Covid-19 pandemic end? And when?

These have been the biggest questions since the pandemic began earlier this year. The answer likely depends on one routinely misinterpreted concept in public health: herd immunity.

“Herd immunity is the only way we’re going to move to a post-pandemic world,” says Bill Hanage, an epidemiology researcher at Harvard. “The problem is, how do you get to it?”

Typically, the term herd immunity is thought of in the context of vaccination campaigns against contagious viruses like measles. The concept helps public health officials think through the math of how many people in a population need to be vaccinated to prevent outbreaks.

With Covid-19, since we don’t yet have a vaccine, the discussion has centered on herd immunity through natural infection, which comes with a terrible cost. Confusing matters, too, is the persistent and erroneous wishful thinking by some who say herd immunity has already been reached, or will be reached sooner than scientists are saying.

For instance, at a recent Senate hearing, Sen. Rand Paul (R-KY) claimed that New York City has its outbreak under control thanks to herd immunity and the fact that around 22 percent of the city’s residents had been infected.

But Dr. Anthony Fauci of the National Institutes of Health, who was a panelist at the hearing, immediately spoke up to correct the senator: “If you believe 22 percent is herd immunity, I believe you’re alone in that.”

Hypothetically, yes, there are situations under which herd immunity to Covid-19 could be achieved. Manaus, Brazil, an Amazonian city of around 2 million people, experienced one of the most severe Covid-19 outbreaks in the world. At the peak in the spring and early summer, the city’s hospitals were completely full, the New York Times reported.

During this period, there were four times as many deaths as normal for that point in the year. But then, over the summer, the outbreak sharply died down. Researchers now estimate between 44 percent and 66 percent of the city’s population was infected with the virus, which means it’s possible herd immunity has been achieved there. (This research has yet to be peer-reviewed.)

But that’s much higher than 22 percent, and the cost of this herd immunity was immense: Between 1 in 500 and 1 in 800 residents died there, the researchers estimate.

Many more were hospitalized, and still more may suffer long-term consequences of the infection. Similarly, the oft-cited example of Sweden, which has pursued a laxer social distancing strategy than its European peers (partially with the goal of building up herd immunity in younger people, while protecting older residents and trying to keep hospitals from exceeding capacity), has paid a price, too: a much higher death rate than fellow Scandinavian countries.

We’re several months into this pandemic, and herd immunity is still widely misunderstood and being continually misused for partisan goals of discrediting science and scientists. The biggest misconception is that achieving herd immunity through natural infection is a reasonable pandemic response strategy. It’s not. Let’s explain.

Herd immunity, explained, simply

There’s a simple explanation of herd immunity.

After a certain proportion of a population has become immune to a virus, an outbreak will stop growing exponentially. There may continue to be new cases, but each new case will be less likely to start a big chain of infections.

In this simple view, the herd immunity threshold — that specific proportion of the population with some immunity — is derived from a value called the R0 (r-naught). This is the figure that quantifies the average transmissibility of a disease. If the R0 is 2, that means that, on average, each case will lead to fewer than two new cases.

So the herd immunity threshold for a disease of this contagiousness is 50 percent. When half the population becomes immune, then, the outbreak may start to decline because the virus will not be able to spread as easily. For Covid-19, the exact figure for the threshold depends on whom you ask. Based on the simple math, “the expectation for the natural herd immunity level for Covid would be 60 to 75 percent,” Shweta Bansal, a Georgetown University epidemiologist, says. Though the figure could be a bit lower, perhaps 40 percent, in some places.

Regardless of the exact figure, as a country, the US is nowhere near reaching this threshold. In New York City, which experienced the worst coronavirus outbreak in the US, around 20 percent of residents got infected and 23,000-plus people died. Overall, a new Lancet study — which drew its data from a sample of dialysis patients — suggests that fewer than 10 percent of people nationwide have been exposed to the virus. That means we have a long, sick, and deadly way to go if the US is going to reach herd immunity through natural infection.

So far, there have been more than 200,000 deaths in the United States, with relatively few infections. There’s so much more potential for death if the virus spreads to true herd immunity levels. “The cost of herd immunity [through natural infection] is extraordinarily high,” Hanage says.

The herd immunity threshold for Covid-19 could be lower, or higher, than 60 percent. It depends on the makeup of a community, and its social dynamics.

So that’s the simple math of herd immunity — it’s a fraction derived from the R0 of the virus. Easy, right? In reality, how herd immunity through natural infection plays out in the real world is much messier, and very hard to precisely predict.

For one, this simple mathematical view of herd immunity assumes that risk of catching the disease in a population is evenly distributed. But we know that isn’t the case with Covid-19.

Risk of catching the virus varies greatly and in a number of dimensions. Here, physician and virology expert Muge Cevik breaks down the dimensions of risk:

The risk of transmission is complex and multi-dimensional. It depends on many factors: contact pattern (duration, proximity, activity), individual factors, environment (i.e. outdoor, indoor) & socioeconomic factors (i.e. crowded housing, job insecurity). (2/n) pic.twitter.com/0mEiHhbnWa

— Muge Cevik (@mugecevik) September 21, 2020

As we’ve seen, some people are more at risk of infection and severe illness or death because of their job, the environments they live and work in, the makeup of their immune system, socioeconomic factors like poverty, or their behavior: Some people may be willfully disregarding social distancing and mask-wearing mandates.

Knowing that the population doesn’t evenly share risk means the threshold for herd immunity can change based on who gets infected. Let’s say all the people most at risk of both catching and spreading the virus all get infected first. Then “the immunity within that group will have a particularly outsize benefit,” Hanage says. “Because they are the core group driving infection.”

So the overall threshold for herd immunity will be lower. How much lower?

Some hypothetical estimates put it as low as 20 percent, but “I think that is a stretch,” Bansal says. “Is [the herd immunity threshold] lower than 60 percent? Sure, that’s entirely possible. But I again, I think I don’t want any place on the planet to get to anything even close to that, right, in terms of infection rates.”

Hanage underscores a gross inequality here: Herd immunity achieved through natural infection would come at an undue cost to some of the most vulnerable, marginalized groups in the country.

“Because of the fact that some groups are more at risk of becoming infected than others — and they are predominantly people from racial [and] ethnic minorities and predominantly poor people with less good housing — we are effectively forcing those people to have a higher risk of infection and bear the brunt of the pandemic,” Hanage says.

The herd immunity threshold can be lower than estimated. But hypothetically, the threshold could be higher as well. It’s also the case that the herd immunity threshold can change over time. Remember the simple math of how herd immunity calculated: The threshold is dependent on the contagiousness of the virus.

Well, the contagiousness of the virus isn’t a fixed biological constant. It’s the result of the biology of the virus interacting with human biology, with our environments, with our society. As seasons change, as our behavior changes, so can the transmissibility of the virus. The herd immunity threshold is not one fixed target.

Herd immunity doesn’t end the pandemic. It just slows it down.

Once you hit the herd immunity threshold, it doesn’t mean the pandemic is over. After the threshold is reached, “all it means is that on average, each infection causes less than one ongoing infection,” Hanage says. “That’s of limited use if you’ve already got a million people infected.” If each infection causes, on average, 0.8 new infections, the epidemic will slow. But 0.8 isn’t zero. If a million people are infected at the time herd immunity is hit, per Hanage’s example, those already infected people may infect 800,000 more.

There are a lot of other unknowns here, too. One is the type of immunity conferred by natural infection. “Immunity” is a catchall term that means many different things. It could mean true protection from getting infected with the virus a second time. Or it could mean reinfections are possible but less severe. You could, potentially, get infected a second time, never feel sick at all (thanks to a quick immune response), and still pass on the virus to another person. “If immunity just reduces disease … then [the] concept loses meaning,” Sarah Cobey, a computational biologist at the University of Chicago, writes in an email, noting, though, that this scenario is “unlikely.”

Overall, we don’t know if herd immunity through natural infection would look the same as herd immunity achieved through a vaccination campaign. “We don’t know yet if those two things will be different,” Christine Tedijanto, an epidemiology researcher at Harvard, says.

Even New York City could see another big wave

Right now, New York City appears to have its epidemic mostly under control, with fewer than 200 new cases a day, down from a springtime high of more than 5,000 cases per day. But the progress is precarious, with city health officials growing concerned about increasing clusters of cases in several of the city’s neighborhoods. Mayor Bill de Blasio said the city needs to take “urgent action” to prevent these clusters from growing.

It’s possible there are pockets of herd immunity in some New York communities, and, overall, it’s estimated around 20 percent of the city’s residents contracted the virus. Despite what Sen. Paul might think, New York has achieved some control through measures like social distancing and mask-wearing.

“As soon as they lift their foot off the brake, they will see that outbreak come back,” Bansal says. The reason New York has the epidemic under control is not because it’s achieved herd immunity; it’s because it’s gotten its act together.

But even if there’s some degree of protection in New York from the natural infections that have occurred there, that protection will only last while mitigation measures are in place.

Another way to think about it: Through control measures, New York City has successfully, and artificially, reduced the transmissibility of the virus. That temporarily lowers the bar for the herd immunity threshold. But the city can’t resume life as it went on before the pandemic struck. That would increase the transmissibility of the virus, and the epidemic would grow there until reaching a higher herd immunity threshold.

Also, in New York, it’s important to remember that the level of immunity could vary widely from one community to the next. “Even if one borough has reached a herd immunity threshold, the boroughs around it may not have,” Tedijanto says.

Why you can’t infect the young to protect the old

Let’s say herd immunity is achieved through millions of younger people getting sick. White House adviser Scott Atlas (who is a neuroradiologist, not an epidemiologist) has suggested this is a good thing to do. “When younger, healthier people get infected, that’s a good thing,” he said in a July interview with a San Diego local news station. “The goal is not to eliminate all cases. That’s not rational, not necessary if we just protect the people who are going to have serious complications.”

Let’s be clear, it’s not a “good thing” when young people get sick. For one, some of these young people may die, more may get severely ill, and a not-yet-understood proportion of them could suffer long-term consequences. Remember: The more people infected, the more chances for rare, horrible things to happen.

These younger people, now immune, could, in theory, protect older populations more at risk of dying from Covid-19. But in building up herd immunity in this way, we’ve also built up powder kegs of vulnerability among the older people, which can be set off in the future.

“I think it’s impossible to think that you can have infections only among younger people, and not let them spread to other groups with populations that might be more vulnerable,“ Tedijanto says. People just don’t separately themselves so neatly into risk groups like that.

“We can try and insulate” older people, Hanage says. “We can do a very good job of insulating them. But the fact is, the larger the amount of infection outside them, the higher the chance that something’s going to get into them.”

Overall, here’s the biggest problem with thinking about herd immunity through natural infection: It’s impossible to predict which route it is going to go. “We don’t understand and measure our world in very deep ways yet,” Bansal says. We can’t predict the movements and behaviors, the risk factors, of millions of people, and how they change over time. Allowing herd immunity to develop through natural infection means letting the virus rip a hard-to-predict course through the population.

Herd immunity isn’t a dirty word. When a vaccine comes, it will be essential for scientists to devise a strategy to most effectively inoculate the country and end the pandemic. The price of achieving herd immunity through a vaccine campaign is the price of the vaccine, and the price of our patience waiting for it.


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Multiple wildfires in California prompt fresh evacuations

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Multiple wildfires in California prompt fresh evacuations

Multiple blazes were burning out of control in California early Monday, prompting fresh evacuation orders for a state already battered by wildfires in recent months.

Eddy Whitmore evacuates from his Santa Rosa, Calif., home as the Shady Fire approaches on Sunday, Sept. 27, 2020.Noah Berger / AP

In Napa County, the Glass Fire rapidly scorched at least 2,500 acres and is zero percent contained, according to Cal Fire. It started early Sunday and by evening, had roared through vineyards and buildings; at least 2,000 structures are currently threatened by it, according to NBC Bay Area.

Meanwhile, two other fires were burning in the North Bay, the station reported: The Shady Fire started west of St. Helena and was burning into the Oakmont area of Santa Rosa, while the Boysen Fire was burning northeast of Santa Rosa. Those, too, forced evacuations, and are believed to be spot fires of the Glass Fire.

Among those shuttled to safety were residents of the Oakmont Village retirement community in Santa Rosa, city spokeswoman Elise Howard said.

About 100 residents who don’t drive or have nearby loved ones to pick them up were loaded on to five city buses between midnight and 1 a.m. PT and taken to evacuation center set up at a park 11 miles away, Howard added.

Residents of the Oakmont Gardens senior home evacuate as the Shady Fire approaches in Santa Rosa, Calif., on Sept. 28, 2020.Noah Berger / AP

They are the latest in a string of blazes. Since the beginning of the year, there have been more than 8,100 wildfires that have burned more than 3.7 million acres in California, Cal Fire said Sunday, adding that since August 15, there have been 26 fatalities and more than 7,000 structures destroyed.

Among those destroyed by the Glass Fire Sunday was the Château Boswell Winery in St. Helena, a family-owned winery founded in 1979.

“Our incredibly talented team is safe, but shares our heartbreak,” Jacquelynn Prevost, ambassador at large of Château Boswell, told NBC News in a statement.

St. Helena hospital was evacuated out of an abundance of caution on Sunday, while the entire town of Paradise was put under an evacuation warning, meaning residents should prepare to evacuate.

It was not immediately clear how many people were under evacuation orders early Monday statewide.

Image: Elizabeth ChuckElizabeth Chuck

Elizabeth Chuck is a reporter for NBC News.

David K. Li and Kurt Chirbas

contributed.

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Republicans eye Amy Coney Barrett Senate floor vote at end of October, just days before election

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Republicans eye Amy Coney Barrett Senate floor vote at end of October, just days before election

Senate Republicans are planning to start hearings for Judge Amy Coney Barrett’s Supreme Court nomination on Oct. 12 and vote her nomination out of committee by Oct. 22, leading to a potential confirmation vote in late October ahead of the Nov. 3 elections and oral arguments in multiple important Supreme Court cases.

This plan – 16 days between a nomination and a hearing – represents a very quick timeline compared to most modern Supreme Court confirmations.

“More than half of the Supreme Court justices who have had hearings were done within 16 days or less, so we’ll start on Oct. 12,” Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Lindsey Graham told “Sunday Morning Futures.”

SCHUMER PUTS HEALTH CARE ON FOREFRONT AS DEMS PREPARE TO FIGHT AMY CONEY BARRETT NOMINATION

Graham continued that there would be “a day of introduction,” “two days of questioning” and then a markup after that. He said the committee would report her nomination on Oct. 22, which would be less than two weeks before the presidential election. A floor vote on Barrett’s confirmation would likely happen shortly thereafter, assuming everything goes as planned for Republicans – it didn’t with Justice Brett Kavanaugh’s confirmation in 2018.

There were 57 days between the nomination and hearing for Kavanaugh, 48 for Justices Neil Gorsuch and Sonia Sotomayor and 49 days for Justice Elena Kagan. But many past confirmations have taken place on a similar accelerated timeline. There were just 14 days between the nomination and hearing for retired Justice Anthony Kennedy, 10 days for the late Justice John Paul Stevens, 12 for the late Justice Lewis Powell and 12 for the late Chief Justice William Rehnquist.

Republicans are advancing the nomination over the fervent objections of Democrats, who are accusing GOP senators of rank hypocrisy after holding open the seat vacated when Justice Antonin Scalia died in 2016 for several months before that year’s presidential election. Republicans said at the time that the American people should have a say in who chooses Scalia’s replacement, while Democrats said the Senate had a duty to quickly consider the president’s nominee. Now the roles are reversed.

Republicans have defended moving ahead with the nomination by noting that when Supreme Court seats have opened in election years, the Senate has largely filled them if it was controlled by the same party as the president. Meanwhile, it has been since the 1880s that a party opposite the president confirmed a justice for an election-year vacancy.

But confirming a justice this close to a presidential election will be a rather unique move.

The Senate hasn’t considered a Supreme Court nomination in a presidential election year since 1940, except for one instance in May 1968 when Justice Abe Fortas asked then-President Lyndon Johnson to withdraw his nomination to be chief justice before a vote over allegations of personal corruption. The Senate voted to confirm Supreme Court Justice Frank Murphy in January 1940. Before that, it confirmed Justice Benjamin Cardozo in February 1932 and Justice Louis Brandeis in January 1916.

WHERE HAS AMY CONEY BARRETT STOOD ON IMPORTANT CASES? 

“There are now only 38 days until the election, and early voting has already begun in many states. No Supreme Court vacancy has been filled this close to a presidential election,” Senate Judiciary Committee Ranking Member Dianne Feinstein, D-Calif., said after Barrett’s nomination was made official Saturday. “The Senate should not consider any Supreme Court nominee until the American people have spoken in November and the next president has been inaugurated.”

McConnell, however, has remained steadfast in his commitment to confirm the nominee before the election. He’s said that in 2014 Americans elected a Republican Senate to oppose then-President Barack Obama and in 2018 the GOP majority was expanded to support President Trump.

“Ironically, it was the Democratic leader who went out of his way to declare the midterm 2018 elections a referendum on the Senate’s handling of the Supreme Court,” McConnell said on the Senate floor last week. “In his final speech before Justice Kavanaugh was confirmed, he yelled, literally yelled, over and over at the American people to go vote … unfortunately for him, many Americans did just that. After watching the Democrats’ tactics voters grew our majority and retired four of our former colleagues who had gone along with their party’s behavior.”

Democrats after Barrett’s nomination have turned their focus to the effect the originalist nominee could have on the court’s jurisprudence on several issues, warning she could weaken unions and Roe v. Wade, the Supreme Court precedent that prevents states from banning abortion. But they have specifically zeroed in on health care given Barrett’s past comments critical of the constitutionality of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) and a major constitutional challenge to the law set for oral argument on Nov. 10, just days after Barrett could be officially seated on the Supreme Court.

AMY CONEY BARRETT CONFIRMATION: INSIDE THE WHITE HOUSE’S PLAN TO DEPLOY ‘KNIFE FIGHTERS’ TO DEFEND NOMINEE

“By nominating Judge Barrett to the Supreme Court, President Trump has put Americans’ health care at grave risk,” Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., said at a Saturday press conference in New York City. “And as COVID-19 continues and we need more health care, the nomination by President Trump of Amy Coney Barrett will mean less health care for over 100 million Americans.”

He added: “Health care is the most important issue on the ballot to Americans and as Americans learn Judge Barrett’s views on health care and so many other issues, she will become less and less popular, and hopefully they will call their senators and say ‘don’t vote for someone who will take away my health care.'”

Red states backing the challenge to the ACA, formally known as California v. Texas, say it is now unconstitutional because Congress eliminated the financial penalty associated with not purchasing health insurance. They say this makes it impossible to read the ACA as a tax anymore, so it is now simply an unconstitutional government mandate to purchase a certain product. The Trump administration is backing the red states’ position in the lawsuit.

Legal observers are split on whether the individual mandate, if it were struck down, is severable from the ACA – meaning that it can be removed from the law without the entire statute being invalidated. That means it is quite possible the Supreme Court could rule in favor of the red states that the mandate is unconstitutional but allow the rest of the ACA to stand.

But the ACA is not the only high-profile case a quick confirmation for Barrett would put her on the bench in time to hear.

On Nov. 4 the court will hear Fulton v. City of Philadelphia, a case on whether a city can require a religious group to certify unmarried and same-sex couples to foster children to participate in its system. On Nov. 9 it will hear Niz-Chavez v. Barr, an immigration case on what the government must do to trigger the “stop-time” rule that ends continuous residence periods noncitizens can accrue to be eligible to have their deportation canceled.

AMY CONEY BARRETT ACCEPTS PRESIDENT TRUMP’S NOMINATION TO THE SUPREME COURT, PLEDGES TO ‘FAITHFULLY AND IMPARTIALLY’ DISCHARGE DUTIES 

At the moment it appears Republicans have the votes to push through Barrett’s nomination. They have 53 members in their majority and only two, Sens. Susan Collins, R-Maine, and Lisa Murkowski, R-Alaska, have said they object to advancing the nomination before the election. But Murkowski has softened her stance slightly in recent days, indicating she may be open to voting for Barrett based on her qualifications even if she has qualms about the process.

“I do not support this process moving forward,” she said before Barrett was nominated. “Now, having said that, this process is moving forward with or without me.”

She added after Barrett’s official nomination: “For weeks I have stated that I do not support taking up a potential Supreme Court vacancy this close to an election. But today the president exercised his constitutional authority to nominate an individual to fill the vacancy on the Supreme Court left by the passing of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg. I welcome the opportunity to meet with the Supreme Court nominee, just as I did in 2016.”

Even if Murkowski and Collins both vote against the nominee, it would take two more Republican senators defecting to kill the Barrett confirmation effort, as Vice President Mike Pence can break 50-50 ties in the Senate. And it appears unlikely that GOP senators who have said they are OK with the process would decide then to vote against a Republican nominee.

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But Democrats have sworn that they will escalate the pressure on vulnerable and moderate Republican senators. Schumer began that effort last week, using parliamentary procedures to put Sen. Kelly Loeffler, R-Ga., who is up for a tough reelection, on the spot.

To be confirmed Barrett will need to clear intense media and Senate vetting ahead of her hearing. Then she’ll need to successfully navigate the days-long grilling. Then make it past the committee vote. Then succeed on a floor vote. And nothing will be a done deal until that final roll call vote is over.

“This legislative process and the confirmation process, it’s adverbial. It’s something that unfolds. And that means it changes as people act and react to one another,” R Street Institute senior fellow for governance James Wallner, who previously was a longtime GOP Senate staffer, told Fox News. “I think it all depends on if the Democrats are willing to use the different procedural tools they have at their disposal as leverage to try to somehow change the narrative.”

Fox News’ Chad Pergram, Mike Emanuel, Evie Fordham and Jon Decker contributed to this report. 

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Dick Durbin, Dem senator: Hillary Clinton ‘flat-out wrong’ for saying Joe Biden shouldn’t concede

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Dick Durbin, Dem senator: Hillary Clinton ‘flat-out wrong’ for saying Joe Biden shouldn’t concede

Sen. Dick Durbin said Sunday that twice-failed presidential candidate Hillary Clinton is “flat-out wrong” for encouraging Joseph R. Biden not to concede the 2020 race against President Trump.

“I disagree with Hillary Clinton,” the Illinois Democrat told ABC’s George Stephanopoulos. “I respect her, I like her, but I think she’s just flat-out wrong.”

Mrs. Clinton raised eyebrows last month after she said Mr. Biden, the Democratic presidential nominee, should not concede the November election “under any circumstances” because of the Republican Party’s attempts to “mess up” mail-in voting.

“We’ve got to have a massive legal operation — I know the Biden campaign is working on that,” the former secretary of state said during an Aug. 24 interview on Showtime’s “The Circus.”

“We have to have poll workers, and I urge people who are able to be a poll worker,” she said. “We have to have our own teams of people to counter the force of intimidation that the Republicans and Trump are going to put outside polling places. This is a big organizational challenge, but at least we know more about what they’re going to do. And Joe Biden should not concede under any circumstances because I think this is going to drag out and eventually I do believe he will win if we don’t give an inch and if we are as focused and relentless as the other side is.”

During his interview Sunday, Mr. Durbin was asked to weigh in on Republicans drawing “a moral equivalence” between Mrs. Clinton’s comments and Mr. Trump refusing to commit to a peaceful transferral of power if Mr. Biden wins the election.

“The election itself is going to be announced,” Mr. Durbin responded. “The winner will be announced. It will take longer with all the paper ballots that are being cast, but at some point I hope my choice Joe Biden is elected president.

“But if we are going to maintain a democracy, peaceful transition through an election is the only way to do it,” he added. “Just look at the streets of Belarus today if you want to see the alternative. We don’t need that in America. Whoever the winner is, if it’s clear and legal, the other party should concede.”

— ABC News Politics (@ABCPolitics) September 27, 2020

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How the Biden-Trump Debate Will Play on TV (Don’t Expect Fact-Checks)

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How the Biden-Trump Debate Will Play on TV (Don’t Expect Fact-Checks)

“My job is to be as invisible as possible,” said Chris Wallace of Fox News, the moderator of the opening matchup on Tuesday.

Credit…Andrew Mangum for The New York Times

Michael M. Grynbaum

[Follow our live updates on Trump vs Biden in the 2020 Election.]

Chris Wallace does not hold mock debates. Instead, the “Fox News Sunday” anchor and presidential debate moderator has been honing his questions at his weekend home on Chesapeake Bay, before he flies to Cleveland to take charge of the opening bout between Joseph R. Biden Jr. and President Trump.

Tuesday’s debate, which airs commercial-free from 9 to 10:30 p.m. Eastern time on every major network, is likely to attract a television and livestreaming audience of close to 100 million for the kind of civic gathering increasingly rare in a polarized, pandemic-stricken age.

A fragmented news media means that many voters will consume the Biden-Trump clash through a preferred, possibly biased lens, be it partisan cable news stations, custom-tailored social media feeds or online outlets that cater to ideological tribes.

But the few-frills format of Tuesday’s debate — two candidates, two lecterns, one moderator — is a break from highly produced events, like virtual conventions and overloaded primary debates, that have otherwise defined the major television moments of the 2020 presidential race.

The Commission on Presidential Debates, a bipartisan nonprofit group, controls the look and feel of Tuesday’s event, which is designed to evoke a more retro era of political combat. Because of social distancing, barely 100 people are expected to attend in person. Each candidate has two minutes to respond to a question, a Tolstoyan span by rapid-fire TV news standards.

Mr. Wallace, who won rave reviews in 2016 for his stewardship of the third debate between Mr. Trump and Hillary Clinton, is now in the catbird seat: The opening round typically attracts the largest audience of the campaign. The Fox News anchor will also face intense scrutiny on how he handles the evening, particularly given Mr. Trump’s tendency to hurl false and baseless claims at his opponents.

“My job is to be as invisible as possible,” Mr. Wallace, who has declined outside interviews ahead of his Tuesday appearance, said during a Fox News segment on Sunday. “I’m trying to get them to engage, to focus on the key issues, to give people at home a sense of, ‘why I want to vote for one versus the other.’”

That sink-into-the-background approach extends to fact-checking, which Mr. Wallace has regularly argued is outside the purview of a debate moderator, calling it “a step too far.”

“I do not believe it is my job to be a truth squad,” Mr. Wallace said in the run-up to his 2016 debate. “It’s up to the other person to catch them on that.” Those comments caused a minor stir at the time, but the debates’ organizers have made clear they agree.

“There’s a vast difference between being a moderator in a debate and being a reporter who is interviewing someone,” Frank J. Fahrenkopf Jr., a co-chairman of the debate commission, told CNN on Sunday. “We don’t expect Chris or our other moderators to be fact checkers. The minute the TV is off, there are going to be plenty of fact checkers in every newspaper and every television station in the world. That’s not the role, the main role of our moderators.”

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Some media pundits have called on TV networks to impose their own fact-checks in real-time, through onscreen graphics, clarifying captions or cutaways to reporters offering context. Anchors on CNN and MSNBC occasionally broke into speeches during the Republican National Convention in August, pointing out falsehoods or baseless accusations.

That interventionist approach is less likely to occur on Tuesday, according to executives and producers at several TV networks. Unlike the conventions, executives said, the debates are intended as an unfiltered test of the candidates’ wits, stamina and ability to persuade the electorate.

“The debate is one of the rare opportunities where the public is seeing both of the presidential candidates together on the same stage, where they have a chance to not only respond to and address each other, but to speak directly to the American public,” said Caitlin Conant, the political director at CBS News. “We don’t want to get in between the voters and the candidates.”

That doesn’t mean Ms. Conant or other executives plan to shy away from correcting falsehoods. CBS, for example, has its Washington correspondent Major Garrett on standby for fact-checking during its prime-time broadcast. CNN’s in-house Trump fact checker, Daniel Dale, will be featured in the network’s coverage. Many TV news outlets are providing live fact-checking and analysis on their websites.

On Fox News on Sunday, Mr. Wallace said he had “an awful lot” to cover in 90 minutes, citing the coronavirus, racial tensions, economic problems and protests across the country. Just this weekend, the president nominated Judge Amy Coney Barrett to the Supreme Court and The New York Times published a major investigation revealing that Mr. Trump paid no federal income taxes in 10 of the 15 years before 2017.

How many viewers can even be swayed by Tuesday’s proceedings is an open question.

Roughly 70 percent of Americans said the debates would not matter much to their ultimate vote, according to a poll this month by The Wall Street Journal and NBC News. The survey found that 44 percent of respondents said the debates would not matter at all.

Eighty-four million Americans tuned in for Mr. Trump’s first debate with Hillary Clinton in 2016, on par with major football games and last century’s sitcom finales. This year’s ratings may not match that, in part because so many viewers now use streaming services that cannot be credibly measured.

But some in the industry believe that the appeal of seeing Mr. Biden and Mr. Trump joust for the first time will be hard to resist.

“We’ve all seen a lot of politics on TV for months and months,” said Mark Lukasiewicz, a former producer of political event coverage at NBC News. “But Trump face-to-face with Biden is new.”

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Electoral psychology: Why people vote … or do not vote

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Electoral psychology: Why people vote … or do not vote

According to some recent surveys, almost half of all United States citizens who are eligible to vote do not report to their polling stations to cast their ballots. In this Special Feature, we look at some of the psychological explanations behind voter apathy.

Earlier this year, the Knight Foundation — who are a U.S.-based nonprofit — publicized the data they collected through The 100 Million Project. This is a large survey that aims to get to the root of why so many U.S. individuals choose not to vote.

The Knight Foundation note that in the 2016 U.S. presidential election, around 43% of eligible voters did not cast their ballots.

To find out why this was, The 100 Million Project surveyed “12,000 chronic nonvoters nationally and in 10 swing states,” as well as “a group of 1,000 active voters who consistently participate in national elections and a group of 1,000 young eligible voters (18–24 years old).”

Based on the respondents’ answers, the Knight Foundation observed some common themes among many nonvoters. For example, they tended to lack conviction that their votes would count and feel under-informed about current social issues.

In this Special Feature, we delve deeper into the psychology around voting and not voting to find out more about the driving factors behind civic engagement.

If you would like to check your registration status or register to vote, we have added some useful links at the bottom of this article.

First of all, who is most likely to vote? In terms of demographics, women have consistently had a higher turnout than men, and older adults are more likely to vote than younger adults.

Although many issues, including health status, can influence whether or not a person decides to cast their vote, when it comes to psychological factors, things seem to be getting increasingly complicated.

The field that studies the psychology of voting and not voting is called “electoral psychology,” and it looks at the factors that may influence an individual in their voting choices and whether or not they choose to vote at all.

Such factors may include questions of personal identity, ethics, and emotional responses.

One of the psychological characteristics that researchers have traditionally linked with a likelihood to vote is altruism.

According to a study by Prof. Richard Jankowski, from the Department of Political Science at the State University of New York at Fredonia, “weak altruism is the single most important determinant of the decision to vote.”

In his study, Prof. Jankowski used data from the National Election Survey Pilot Study in 1995 to see if he could find a link between various measures of “humanitarianism” and voter turnout.

He found that people who demonstrated “weak altruism” — that is, those who are likely to engage in a certain act if it is likely to benefit someone else or at least cause no harm to someone else — were the most likely to cast their vote in elections.

Other research also hypothesizes that, besides giving them a strong sense of civic duty, people may also choose to vote in order to maintain their social standing and connections.

A 2016 study in the British Journal of Political Science seems to confirm that idea. Its authors found that civic engagement, including activities such as voting, tends to be viewed in a positive social light.

Because of this, people may feel motivated to vote so as to reap the social reward of being well regarded by their community.

On the other hand, which characteristics might correlate with a sense of apathy around civic engagement, including voting?

In the book The American Nonvoter, Profs. Lyn Ragsdale and Jerrold Rusk — who are two political scientists from Rice University in Houston, TX — delve into that question.

Looking at events from U.S. history that speak of the public’s political disengagement, Profs. Ragsdale and Rusk point out that an increased mistrust in politicians and their decisions led to “disillusionment over government legitimacy” in the context of the Vietnam War.

“This mistrust […] led to an increase in nonvoting,” they write.

Overall, Profs. Ragsdale and Rusk argue that the sense of uncertainty that voters experience during a political campaign can affect voter turnout during elections.

“[The book’s] central premise is that uncertainty in the national campaign context affects how many people do not vote and who does not vote,” they explain.

However, a 2017 study in the California Journal of Politics and Policy argues that mistrust in politicians or the government is not the only, or even the best, predictor of nonvoting behavior.

Looking at data collected through statewide surveys in 2012–2014 by the Public Policy Institute of California, the study authors found a stronger correlation between nonvoting behavior and political disengagement.

In other words, people who were less likely to be interested in politics were also less likely to vote. However, the study authors were unable to establish whether or not this relationship was causal and, if so, in what direction the causality might flow.

According to the Behaviour Change Advisory Group of the British Psychological Society, there are also some other factors that researchers have linked to voter apathy.

These include “diffusion of responsibility,” which refers to a person’s tendency to think that other people are better qualified to make certain decisions, and “evaluation apprehension,” which means that a person is afraid of being judged negatively for their actions.

However, the Behaviour Change Advisory Group also note that there are often multiple psychological factors at play that may influence nonvoting behavior.

“Many other studies in political psychology have looked at other reasons and factors that might affect voters’ behavior, such as self-efficacy (a person’s belief in their ability to succeed in specific situations or accomplish a task), personality (conscientiousness and emotional stability), stress, voting history and habit, and even the location of voting can exert subtle influences.”

As to what might change a person’s attitude to voting and motivate them to cast their ballot during elections, studies have zeroed in on a few key factors — all of which amounts to creating a positive emotional experience and reinforcing social bonds.

A study from 2011, for instance, suggests that people are more likely to vote again if they feel a sense of accomplishment as given by an expression of gratitude from their community.

Study author Prof. Costas Panagopoulos — who is a political scientist at Northeastern University in Boston, MA — conducted a series of “gratitude experiments,” in which a random subset of eligible voters received postcards that either encouraged them to cast their ballots in an upcoming election or expressed thanks that they had voted in a previous election.

Prof. Panagopoulos found that those who had received a message of thanks had a higher voter turnout rate than those who had received reminder postcards or no postcards at all.

“Making people feel good by reinforcing the notion that society is grateful for their participation in the political process reminds people that they have a role to play and reinforces their willingness to be responsive,” he explained in an interview.

However, the prospect of social shame can also motivate people to demonstrate more civic engagement.

In a previous study, from 2010, Prof. Panagopoulos conducted an experiment in which he sent random eligible voters from different states emails claiming either that lists of people who did not vote would be made public following elections or that lists of people who did vote would be made public and the voters’ engagement praised following elections.

“The experimental findings suggest shame may be more effective than pride on average,” he concluded.

Finally, a 2012 study in the journal Nature also suggested that close social ties are important in influencing whether or not people choose to vote.

In this study, the investigators noticed that people were more likely to attend the polling station on election day if people they were close to had also expressed the intention to vote.

Nevertheless, although a person’s psychology may indeed have a say in whether or not they choose to vote, factors related to social inequality and disempowerment weigh even more heavily as obstacles in the way of participating in this democratic process.

Paradoxically, a first step toward addressing these inequities may simply be this: voting.

To check your voter registration status, click here to visit the website of VoteAmerica, a nonprofit, nonpartisan organization dedicated to increasing voter turnout. They can also help you register to vote, vote by mail, request an absentee ballot, or find your polling place.

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Coronavirus World Map: Tracking The Spread Of The Outbreak

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Coronavirus World Map: Tracking The Spread Of The Outbreak

This page is updated regularly.

Since the new coronavirus was first reported in Wuhan, China, in December, the infectious respiratory disease COVID-19 has spread rapidly within China and to neighboring countries and beyond.

The first confirmed coronavirus cases outside China occurred on Jan. 20, in Japan, Thailand and South Korea. On Jan. 21, the first case in the U.S. was identified in Washington state.

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On Jan. 24, the first two European cases were confirmed in France. By Feb. 1, eight European nations had confirmed cases of COVID-19, and a month later that count had risen to 24 countries with at least 2,200 cases, most of them in Italy. On March 11, Italy eclipsed 10,000 cases and the World Health Organization declared the outbreak a pandemic — the first since H1N1 in 2009. That’s also when China, the original epicenter, began seeing drops in daily counts of new cases.

March also saw exponential spread of the virus throughout the U.S., with all 50 states reporting cases by March 17.

This particular virus, officially known as SARS-CoV-2, is only the third strain of coronavirus known to frequently cause severe symptoms in humans. The other two strains cause Middle East respiratory syndrome and severe acute respiratory syndrome.

Click here to see the state-by-state breakdown of cases in the United States.

This story was originally published on March 30, 2020.

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Kayleigh McEnany: Media using 2016 playbook that was already rejected by the American people

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Kayleigh McEnany: Media using 2016 playbook that was already rejected by the American people

©2020 FOX News Network, LLC. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed. All market data delayed 20 minutes. New Privacy PolicyNew Terms of Use (What’s New)FAQ

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Planned Parenthood demands presidential debate moderators ‘fact-check’ Trump on abortion

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Planned Parenthood demands presidential debate moderators ‘fact-check’ Trump on abortion

A coalition of liberal groups led by Planned Parenthood is concerned that Fox News’ Chris Wallace will not fact-check President Trump on abortion issues during Tuesday’s presidential debate.

Planned Parenthood’s coalition wrote a letter to the Commission on Presidential Debates and the upcoming debates’ moderators pleading with them to show a contrast between Mr. Trump and Democratic presidential nominee Joseph R. Biden on abortion.

Planned Parenthood Executive Director Jenny Lawson wrote the letter with liberal groups UltraViolet, Women’s March, Media Matters Action Network, BlackPAC, and Color of Change PAC. They argue that Mr. Trump and Vice President Mike Pence have “consistently and repeatedly lied” about reproductive health care.

“We are asking you two important things: One, moderators question the candidates about access to sexual and reproductive healthcare, including birth control and abortion. Two, we demand that the questions be based on medically accurate information and that moderators be prepared to fact-check in real-time when candidates mislead or spread inaccurate, stigmatizing rhetoric,” they wrote in the letter. “With so much at stake, we cannot afford to fall into the traps of promoting medical disinformation.”

Planned Parenthood noted in a press release that Mr. Wallace asked “the only substantive question on abortion” in any of the presidential and vice-presidential debates four years ago, but the liberal group is concerned because of his use of the “stigmatizing rhetoric of the anti-abortion movement.”

“Medical misinformation has been amplified amid the COVID-19 pandemic. We cannot afford to let it seep into our politics more than it already has,” the liberal groups wrote. “That is why we must hear questions from moderators about abortion and sexual and reproductive health during the presidential and vice-presidential debates, grounded in science. Moderators must come prepared to push back at lies.”

Mr. Trump’s reelection campaign did not immediately respond to request for comment, but the president has taken recent action on issues related to abortion. On Friday, Mr. Trump signed an executive order aimed at ensuring every infant born alive — including those born prematurely, are disabled or survive abortions — receive medical care.

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Former GOP Gov. Tom Ridge endorses Biden

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Former GOP Gov. Tom Ridge endorses Biden

Former Pennsylvania Republican Gov. Tom Ridge endorsed Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden in an op-ed on Sunday.

“Vice President Biden and I both know that supporting his candidacy now certainly won’t dissuade me from speaking out later when I disagree with him,” Ridge wrote in The Philadephia Inquirer. “But we surely will do so with civility and respect, not with childish name-calling and [T]witter tirades.”

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Ridge added: “Joe Biden has the experience and empathy necessary to help us navigate not only the pandemic, but also other issues that have fractured our nation, including social injustice, income inequality and immigration reform.”

Former Pennsylvania Gov. Tom Ridge endorsed Democratic presidential nominee on Sept. 27, 2020.

Former Pennsylvania Gov. Tom Ridge endorsed Democratic presidential nominee on Sept. 27, 2020.
(Ridge Global)

The endorsement is not a total surprise. Ridge, the first Department of Homeland Security secretary who was appointed by President George W. Bush, has been critical of Trump since 2015.

“I actually consider it a point of personal pride that I’m recognized for being among the first Republicans to reject Donald Trump,” Ridge wrote. “With just about one month until Election Day, President Trump continues to claim the only way he can possibly be defeated is a rigged election. Can you imagine the hubris?”

Pennsylvania is a crucial swing state in the 2020 presidential election.

“Whether the Republican Party can restore itself or not, I don’t know. Whether it wants to or not, I don’t know that either,” Ridge wrote. “Pennsylvania voters, along with voters in Michigan, Wisconsin and Florida, are likely to ultimately determine the next president. So much is at stake.”

Other former Republican governors who have thrown their weight behind Biden include Rick Snyder of Michigan and Bill Weld of Massachusetts.

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Former Ohio Republican Gov. John Kasich has been even more outspoken in support of Biden, earning him a slot at the Democratic National Convention.

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