{"id":52843,"date":"2020-07-06T03:21:56","date_gmt":"2020-07-06T03:21:56","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/virusreports.net\/trumps-mount-rushmore-speech-shows-hes-still-waging-culture-wars\/"},"modified":"2020-07-06T03:21:56","modified_gmt":"2020-07-06T03:21:56","slug":"trumps-mount-rushmore-speech-shows-hes-still-waging-culture-wars","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"http:\/\/virusreports.net\/trumps-mount-rushmore-speech-shows-hes-still-waging-culture-wars\/","title":{"rendered":"Trump\u2019s Mount Rushmore speech shows he\u2019s still waging culture wars"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

Presidents tend to offer messages of national unity and optimism on Independence Day. But this weekend, President Donald Trump marked the occasion with a pair of speeches in which he described himself as presiding over a cultural civil war against an insurgent left \u2014 and promised to vanquish those on the other side of that war through aggressive use of law enforcement.<\/p>\n

In a speech at Mount Rushmore on Friday, Trump warned of a \u201cfar-left fascism\u201d that is part of a \u201cmerciless campaign to wipe out our history, defame our heroes, erase our values, and indoctrinate our children.\u201d As the crowd before him shouted, \u201cFour more years,\u201d the president boasted about deploying federal law enforcement to protect American monuments, a number of which have been pulled down or criticized by antiracist protesters in recent weeks<\/a> for commemorating historical figures who supported slavery, white supremacy, or colonialism. <\/p>\n

In his \u201cSalute to America\u201d address on Saturday in Washington, DC, Trump emphasized this message, and proclaimed that he was \u201cdefeating the radical left, the Marxists, the anarchists, the agitators, the looters, and people who, in many instances, have absolutely no clue what they are doing,\u201d while pledging to \u201csafeguard our values.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cSuch rhetoric is designed to inflame and divide the public, not unite and celebrate, which is the goal of most presidents\u2019 Independence Day speeches,\u201d George Edwards III, a scholar of the presidency and professor emeritus at Texas A&M University, told me. \u201cThere is little doubt that the president is trying to energize his base in anticipation of the November election.\u201d<\/p>\n

Trump\u2019s descriptions of the rise of an extremist left \u2014 which were often exaggerated or false in their characterizations \u2014 are inflammatory in part because they rely on a narrow, nationalistic, and racialized definition of \u201cour values\u201d that amounts to a sweeping rejection of the idea that America\u2019s history of slavery and white supremacy should be questioned. And in framing the debate over the monuments this way, the president revived the racialized nostalgia politics that animated his 2016 strategy for mobilizing Republican voters.<\/p>\n

Although that proved a successful strategy during that election, there are reasons to be doubtful that his tack of fomenting a culture war will in fact galvanize his base in the way he hopes. Chief among them are that his presidency has been engulfed by crises in the form of an out-of-control pandemic<\/a>, a historic recession and a fiery national debate over racism.<\/p>\n

Polling indicates that the public \u2014 including many Republicans \u2014 is broadly sympathetic to the protests<\/a> and doesn\u2019t buy into the picture of anti-American chaos that Trump has been trying to paint. <\/strong><\/p>\n

For instance, a Washington Post-Schar School poll in June found that most Republicans supported protests<\/a> that emerged after Floyd\u2019s death. And Trump is losing the support of crucial<\/a> parts<\/a> of his political base, like older voters and white voters, as the coronavirus wreaks havoc on people\u2019s health, mobility, income, and wealth. These factors likely explain much of why Trump is the worst-polling presidential incumbent<\/a> at this point in the race in nearly three decades.<\/p>\n

In other words, the crises Trump faces suggest he needs to try a new approach to appealing to the public if he wants to have a decent shot at winning the 2020 election. But Trump is showing an inability, or at least a reluctance, to adapt to changing times, appearing eager to delve even further into divisive culture wars \u2014 and to continue deploying white identity politics and racism as his weapons of choice.<\/p>\n

Trump thinks talking about statues is his path to victory<\/h3>\n

In his speeches this weekend, Trump positioned himself as a guardian of American identity, depicting protests against police brutality and racism \u2014 which have slowed significantly in recent weeks, and have been largely peaceful \u2014 in paranoid and cartoonish terms as a \u201cfascist\u201d threat to the republic.<\/p>\n

It should be noted that Trump\u2019s claims of the existence of \u201cfar-left fascism\u201d are fundamentally incoherent: fascism is a right-wing form of ultranationalism calling for a rebirth of a nation or race, and that has nothing to do with liberal and left-wing calls for an end to police brutality and racism. But that didn\u2019t stop Trump from making it the central message of his speeches, which aimed to sensationalize the issue of protests and statue-toppling.<\/p>\n

Speaking at Mount Rushmore, amid peaceful protests led by members of the Sioux Nation<\/a> meant to underscore the fact the monument was built on stolen and sacred land, Trump promised that the South Dakota monument \u201cwill never be desecrated.\u201d And he went on to describe the ongoing re-evaluation of public symbols of racism in American life<\/a> as a threat to civilization.<\/p>\n

\u201cOur nation is witnessing a merciless campaign to wipe out our history, defame our heroes, erase our values, and indoctrinate our children,\u201d he said. \u201cAngry mobs are trying to tear down statues of our founders, deface our most sacred memorials, and unleash a wave of violent crime in our cities. Many of these people have no idea why they are doing this, but some know exactly what they are doing.\u201d <\/p>\n

Trump also took issue with \u201ccancel culture,\u201d which he described as \u201cthe very definition of totalitarianism.\u201d <\/p>\n

\u201cMake no mistake: this left-wing cultural revolution is designed to overthrow the American Revolution,\u201d he claimed, offering his solution: \u201cDeploying federal law enforcement to protect our monuments, arrest the rioters, and prosecute offenders to the fullest extent of the law.\u201d <\/p>\n

In his White House speech the next day, he sounded similar notes about a nation at war from within. He again warned of an \u201cangry mob\u201d hoping to erase American history. He also said that \u201cthose in the media who falsely and consistently label their opponents as racists\u201d are the true threats to the political unity that he desires for the country. <\/p>\n

Trump\u2019s rhetoric about a nation under siege can be seen as an extension of rhetorical patterns he used during his first presidential campaign. At the Republican National Convention in 2016, he warned that \u201cattacks on our police, and the terrorism in our cities, threaten our very way of life.\u201d In his inauguration speech, he iconically pledged to put an end to \u201cAmerican carnage.\u201d His political modus operandi is to identify a threat within the country and promise to oust it, and his latest target is now so-called \u201cfar-left fascism.\u201d<\/p>\n

But there are reasons to think that it won\u2019t pay off this time around. <\/p>\n

Trump appears to be misreading this historical moment <\/h3>\n

Trump is banking on the idea that he can mobilize his base by seeding fear of an ascendant extremist left without providing any evidence for its existence. Although efforts by antiracist protesters to topple statues<\/a> they see as paeans to white supremacy are real, many of the president\u2019s claims about the protesters are exaggerated or inaccurate. <\/p>\n

But Trump\u2019s biggest electoral problem here isn\u2019t his exaggerations. It\u2019s that he has chosen to vilify a political movement that has been broadly popular, and that American voters have other issues top of mind. <\/p>\n

Most Americans\u2019 perceptions on racism \u2014 including many Republicans \u2014 have shifted in recent weeks amid ongoing racial justice protests, and much of the public has taken issue with Trump\u2019s handling of race relations in the wake of the police killing of George Floyd. <\/p>\n

It is evident from polling that Trump is not on the winning side of the culture war. A majority of Americans support taking down Confederate statues, according to a recent Quinnipiac University poll<\/a>. Black Lives Matter has won the support of a large majority of voters<\/a>, including a majority of whites (who skew Republican<\/a>). As New York magazine\u2019s Eric Levitz points out<\/a>, in the past month, \u201cThe percentage of Americans who say<\/a> that \u2018racial discrimination is a serious problem,\u2019 that \u2018police are more likely to use deadly force against Black people,\u2019 and that \u2018white people are more likely to get ahead\u2019 all hit record highs in various tracking polls.\u201d<\/p>\n

In June, a Washington Post-Schar School poll found that 53 percent of Republicans supported protests that emerged after Floyd\u2019s death<\/a>. Strikingly, the poll found that even among Americans who believed the protests were mostly violent \u2014 something most Republicans in the survey believed \u2014 a majority were supportive of the protests. <\/p>\n

And in a recent deep dive into polls documenting presumptive Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden\u2019s increasing lead over Trump, the Atlantic\u2019s David Graham argues<\/a> that Trump\u2019s handling of race appears to be a fundamental factor:<\/p>\n

\n

Polls have consistently shown that Americans disapprove of [Trump\u2019s] response to protests of police violence and believe that he has worsened race relations<\/a>. In the New York Times<\/em>\/Siena<\/a> poll, race relations (33 percent) and the protests (29 percent) are the only areas where issue approval lags behind his overall vote preference. In the Harvard\/Harris poll, the same two areas earn Trump his worst marks of any issue, though they are still slightly higher than his expected vote.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

Taken together, these polls suggest that Trump\u2019s decision to pursue an aggressive law-and-order rhetorical strategy and paint antiracist protesters as bands of extremists bent on destroying America seems to be out of touch not only with most Americans, but even much of the Republican Party.<\/p>\n

Another major issue for Trump\u2019s culture war strategy is that it doesn\u2019t reckon with the other big crisis defining American life these days: the relentless spread of the coronavirus.<\/p>\n

Voter approval of Trump\u2019s handling of the coronavirus pandemic has steadily declined since April<\/a>, and a Reuters\/Ipsos<\/a> poll in late June found that just 37 percent of Americans approved of the way he has responded to the pandemic. CNN\u2019s polling expert Harry Enten has explained<\/a> that when a non-economic issue is top of mind for voters \u2014 which the coronavirus has been<\/a> in recent months \u2014 then whoever is most trusted on that issue is likely to win the election. And on that front, Biden has been favored by a sizable margin<\/a> in multiple polls.<\/p>\n

The final problem for Trump\u2019s strategy is that Biden, so far, looks immune to Trump\u2019s attempts to tar the Democratic nominee with his fear-mongering about the rise of an extremist left. A recent Politico\/Morning Consult poll shows<\/a> that just 17 percent of registered voters see Biden as more liberal than most Democrats, and the overwhelming majority \u2014 nearly two-thirds \u2014 see him as more conservative than, or in line with, mainstream Democrats. That could change in the future, but Biden has consistently made efforts to cultivate perception of himself as a moderate, making it hard for Trump to successfully link him to \u201cfar-left fascism.\u201d<\/p>\n

Despite these issues, Trump appears set on using the same playbook that helped him win the 2016 election and develop a devoted political base. Texas A&M\u2019s Edwards said he might be doing so because after three-and-a-half years of attacking his enemies and his use of divisive rhetoric throughout the pandemic, Trump may have no other credible lane.<\/p>\n

\u201cIt is probably too late for him to present himself as a uniter,\u201d Edwards said. \u201cHe needs enemies and grievances.\u201d<\/p>\n

But with the country united in its focus on the coronavirus, and increasingly attuned to calls for racial justice, so far all signs suggest that voters are not as prepared to embrace someone fixated on jousting with political enemies and splitting the electorate with white identity politics as they once were. The world has changed swiftly and dramatically \u2014 political strategy must too. <\/p>\n

<\/hr>\n

Support Vox\u2019s explanatory journalism<\/strong><\/p>\n

Every day at Vox, we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you, and our audience around the world, with information that has the power to save lives. Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment: to empower you through understanding. Vox\u2019s work is reaching more people than ever, but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources \u2014 particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn. Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation, but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles, videos, and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires. Please consider making a contribution to Vox today<\/a>.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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